The Native Races [of the Pacific states], Volume 5, Primitive History

It is my purpose to relate in this chapter all that is known of the scattered tribes of Central America, exclusive of the Quiché-Cakchiquels. The historical information that has been preserved respecting these tribes is, however, so meagre and of such a vague and unsatisfactory character that the reader must expect nothing more than a very disconnected and incomplete account of them.

Chiapas, which is geographically the most northerly portion of Central America, though politically it belongs to Mexico, was inhabited in its northern part by the Tzendales and Zoques, in its central and southern region by the Chiapanecs, Zotziles, and Quelenes.[933 - See for location of these tribes, vol. i., pp. 681-2.] The Tzendales lived in the vicinity of Palenque, and are said to have been directly descended from the builders of that city. Of the Zotziles and Quelenes nothing is known, save that they, together with the Tzendales and the Zoques, were at a late date subjugated by the Chiapanecs.[934 - Herrera, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, p. 264; Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., p. 16.]

THE CHIAPANECS

The Chiapanecs, according to some authorities, came originally from Nicaragua. After a long and painful journey they arrived at the river Chiapa. Finding the region to their taste they resolved to settle, and founded a strong city upon the neighboring heights.[935 - Remesal, ib.; Herrera, ib.; Murguia, Estadist. Guajaca, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. vii., p. 187.] Fuentes asserts that they were descended from the Toltecs, and that their kingdom was founded by a brother of Nima Quiché, one of the chiefs who led the Toltecs to Guatemala.[936 - Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 8.] There can be no doubt that the Chiapanecs were a very ancient people; indeed their traditions refer us back to the time of Votan.[937 - Clavigero, tom. iv., p. 52, tom. i., pp. 150-1; Larrainzar, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. iii., p. 92; Bradford's Amer. Antiq., p. 202.] Boturini, on the authority of Bishop Nuñez de la Vega, speaks of an original record in which Votan is represented as the third figure in the Chiapanec calendar. The record also enumerates the places where Votan tarried, and states that ever since his visit there has been in Teopixca a family bearing his name. Vega believes that the original population of Chiapas and Soconusco were of the race of Cham.[938 - Boturini, Idea, pp. 115, 118-19.] The twenty heroes whose names are immortalized in the calendar of the Chiapanecs are commonly said to have been the founders or first rulers of that nation. We are told that they all distinguished themselves, and that some died in their beds, some on the battle-field, others at the hands of their rivals, but beyond this scarcely any record of their lives or deeds has survived. One of them named Chinax, a military leader represented with a flag in his hand, was hanged and burned by an enemy; of another named Been, it is stated that he traveled through Chiapas, leaving special marks of his visits in the places through which he passed. It appears by the calendar that Imox, sometimes called Mox, and occasionally Ninus, was the first settler in Chiapas. According to the worthy prelate above mentioned, this Ninus was the son of Belo, who was the son of Nimrod, who was the son of Chus, who was the grandson of Cham. He was represented by or with the ceiba tree,[939 - Five-leaved silk-cotton tree, Bombax Ceiba.] from whose roots, it is said, the Chiapanec race sprang.[940 - Piñeda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. iii., pp. 344-5. The names of these heroes were: Imox, Igh, Votan, Chanan, Abah, Tox, Moxic, Lambat, Molo or Mulu, Elab, Batz, Evob, Been, Hix, Tziquin, Chabin, Chic, Chinax, Cahogh, Aghual.] It is Orozco y Berra's opinion that the Chiapanecs should be placed before the better known tribes[941 - Who these 'better known tribes' are is not stated.] and after the builders of Palenque and Copan. Their language has not been classified, but is said to resemble that of the Nicoya region.[942 - Piñeda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. iii., p. 346. The history, position and civilization of the Chiapanecs shows that they preceded, or were at least contemporaries of the first tribes or factions of the Aztec family. They were certainly a very ancient people, and of Toltec origin, while their civilization undoubtedly came from the north and not from the south. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 44, 60, 120.]

The spot on which the pioneer settlers of the Chiapan region established their first stronghold was so difficult of access as to be almost unassailable, and was fortified so strongly both by nature and art, that it was practically impregnable. From here the inhabitants kept up a constant warfare with the Aztec garrisons at Tzinacatla, Soconusco and elsewhere.[943 - Clavigero, tom. iv., pp. 267-8; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 73, 178; Herrera, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.; Larrainzar, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. iii., p. 92; Brasseur, Esquisses, p. 17.] They cordially hated the Mexicans, and persistently refused to intermarry with them. Their enemies seem to have been stronger than they, but by their valor they not only maintained their independence until the time of the Conquest, but, as we have seen, they subjugated the surrounding nations. They incurred the bitter enmity of the Chinantecs, because they forced the Zoques to pay tribute.[944 - Herrera, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, p. 264.]

THE PIPILES

The southern coast region of Chiapas, between Tehuantepec and Soconusco, was occupied by a people whose origin is involved in some mystery. Brasseur relates that they came from Cholula; probably in the ninth century, at the time when Huemac took that city and persecuted the followers of Quetzalcoatl. Torquemada identifies them with the Pipiles of Guatemala and Salvador,[945 - Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 333. Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., p. 76, identifies them with the Pipiles and Xuchiltepecs.] of whom I shall speak presently. These coast people were an industrious, frugal race, and for a long time they held peaceable possession of their territory, and prospered exceedingly. But their happy life was destined to be rudely and suddenly changed to one of bondage and oppression. A horde of fierce Olmecs invaded and conquered their country, and immediately reduced the vanquished to a state of miserable slavery. Not only were they forced to pay excessive and ruinous tribute, but they were compelled to yield up their children of both sexes to gratify the unnatural lusts of their masters. They were, besides, made amenable to a most rigorous system of laws, the least infraction of which was punished with death. For a time they groaned passively under this cruel yoke, but at length it grew unbearable. Then in their deep trouble they appealed to their priests for help and advice. The priests consulted the oracles and at the end of eight days announced to the people that the only way in which they could escape from their persecutors was to leave the country in a body, and go in search of another home. At first the people seemed disposed to question the prudence and feasibility of this step, but they were speedily re-assured by the priests, who declared that the gods would aid and protect them in their flight. A day was then set for their departure, and they were instructed in the meantime to provide themselves with everything necessary for a long journey. At the appointed time they assembled secretly, and set out at once. It would be difficult to believe that an entire nation of slaves could have made such an exodus unknown to and against the will of their masters, even though we read of a parallel case in Holy Writ; but, however this might be, they seem to have taken the road towards Guatemala without hindrance, and to have been pursued by no Olmec Pharaoh.[946 - Torquemada, tom. i., p. 332.]

According to the tradition, they continued their march down the coast for twenty days, until they came to the banks of the river Michatoyatl. Here their chief priest fell sick, and the country being very pleasant, they halted for a time. Before long the priest died, and they then proceeded on their journey, leaving, however, some families behind, who settled here and founded a city, afterwards known in Guatemalan history by the name of Itzcuintlan. After this there is some confusion in the different accounts. Following the plainest version, similar circumstances caused them to make another halt twenty leagues lower down, in the neighborhood of the volcano Cuzcatlan.[947 - Cuzcatlan was the ancient name of Salvador.] Here they found a lovely climate, and a productive soil, and that part of them that has since borne the name of Pipiles resolved to settle. The others went farther south, towards the Conchagua Gulf;[948 - Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 78-9. Torquemada, tom. i., p. 332, relates that twenty days after starting, one of their high-priests died. They then traversed Guatemala, and journeying a hundred leagues farther on, came to a country to which the Spaniards have given the name of Choluteca, or Choroteca. Here another priest died. After this the author goes on to tell the story which, according to the version followed above, applies to the Xuchiltepecs who proceeded to the Gulf of Conchagua, and which will be referred to elsewhere.] but of these I shall speak again presently.

The authorities do not all assign this origin to the Pipiles, however. Juarros says that Ahuitzotl, king of Mexico, sent to Guatemala, in the garb of traders, a large number of Mexicans of the lowest class, under the command of four captains and one general. These were instructed to settle in the country. Ahuitzotl did this in order to have auxiliaries so situated as to facilitate his intended military operations against the chiefs of Guatemala. He died, however, before he could carry out this policy. The new settlers spoke the Mexican language very poorly, much as children might speak it; for this reason they were called Pipiles, which in Mexican signifies children.[949 - Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 224. A reduplication of pilli, which has two meanings, 'noble,' and 'child,' the latter being generally regarded as its meaning in the tribal name. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 137. See also Molina, Vocabulario.] They prospered and multiplied wonderfully in their new home, and extended their settlements to Sonsonate and Salvador. But after a time they incurred the enmity of the Quichés and Cakchiquels, by whom they were so sorely oppressed that there was danger of their being speedily exterminated. In this emergency the Pipiles formed a military organization, much as Ahuitzotl had originally intended. But some time later the chiefs began to abuse the power with which they had been invested by imposing heavy taxes and otherwise robbing the people. Moreover, the principal lord, named Cuaucmichin, introduced human sacrifice, and made victims of some of the most highly esteemed persons in the community. A riot broke out, during which Cuaucmichin was put to death by the people of his palace. The other chiefs were also deprived of their authority, and left with the inferior rank of Alahuaes, or heads of calpullis. A nobleman named Tutecotzemit, a man of mild disposition, kind heart, and good ability to govern was then invested with the supreme authority. It appears that he was not free from ambition, however. His first step was to form a council, or senate, of eight nobles, connected with himself by blood or marriage, to whom he granted a certain amount of authority. He then appointed a number of subordinate officers, chosen from among the nobility, who were subject to the orders of the senate. He next proceeded to reduce the imposts and to remedy the evils that had arisen from previous misgovernment. Having thus gained the confidence and affection of the people, he caused himself to be formally proclaimed king of the Pipiles with the right of transmitting the crown to his children and their descendants. It is recorded that the Pipiles played a very prominent part in the numerous wars that took place between the several kingdoms of Guatemala. In later years they were engaged in a very long and bitter conflict with the Cakchiquels, in which they were finally worsted by Nimahuinac, king of that people, who forced Tonaltut, lord of the Pipiles, to sue for peace, and only granted it on the condition that the Pipiles should bind themselves to a perpetual alliance with the Cakchiquel kings.[950 - Juarros, Hist. Guat., pp. 81-4, 17-18, 20, 23, 26.]

All that has been preserved of their earlier history is contained in two traditions, which are half if not wholly mythical. The first of these refers to the period immediately following the settlement of the Pipiles at their last halting-place in Salvador, and especially to the founding of Mictlan, a city which subsequently corresponded in its sacred character to Cholula on the eastern plateau of Mexico, and Mitla in Oajaca. The story goes that there issued one day from Lake Huixa a mysterious old man of venerable aspect, clad in long blue robes, and wearing upon his head a pontificial mitre. He was followed by a young girl of peerless beauty, dressed in a similar manner, excepting the mitre. Soon after his appearance the old man betook himself to the summit of a neighboring hill. There under his directions the people at once set about building a splendid temple, which received the name of Mictlan. Round about the sacred edifice the palaces of the chiefs rose in rapid succession, and in an incredibly short space of time a thriving and populous city had grown out of the desert. The same mysterious personage gave them laws and a system of government, under which they continued to prosper until the end.[951 - 'L'époque que les événements paraissent assigner à cette légende coïncide avec la période de la grande émigration toltèque et la fondation des divers royaumes guatémaliens qui en furent la conséquence.' Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., p. 81.]

The other tradition to which I have alluded was preserved at the time of the Conquest by the inhabitants of Cerquin, a province in the mountainous region of northern Honduras. There is reason to believe that the people to whom it relates were Pipiles, as they extended their possessions in this direction, but their name is not given in connection with the story, which attributes to a woman the honor of having first introduced culture into this part of the country, two hundred years before the advent of the Spaniards. She is described as having been very beautiful, of a fair complexion, and well versed in the art of magic. She appeared suddenly, as if dropped from the sky, for which reason, and because of the great respect which she inspired, she was named Comizahual, or 'flying tigress,' the tiger being an animal held sacred by the natives. She took up her abode at Cealcoquin, and erected there many temples which she ornamented with monstrous figures of men and animals. In the principal temple she placed a stone having three sides, on each of which were three faces of hideous aspect. By means of the magic virtues which lay within this stone she overthrew her enemies and added to her dominions. She reigned gloriously for a number of years, and had three sons, though she was unmarried and had never known a man. When she felt her end drawing near, she summoned these princes to her presence, and after giving them the best of advice regarding the way in which they should govern, she divided her kingdom equally between them. She then caused herself to be carried on her bed to the highest terrace of the palace, and suddenly vanished, amid thunder and lightning. It is recorded that her three sons governed well and wisely, but no particulars of their reigns are given.[952 - Torquemada, tom. i., p. 336; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 106-7; Herrera, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iv.]

EMPIRE OF THE EAST

Brasseur implies that the Pipiles were in some way connected with or subject to the empire which he believes Topiltzin Acxitl, the last Toltec king of Anáhuac, to have founded in Central America, since he speaks of Mictlan being the seat of the spiritual power of that realm. I have already expressed my opinion that this empire of the East is the offspring of the Abbé's inventive imagination; but at the same time, notwithstanding the two or three allusions upon which he must found his theory are so vague as to be practically meaningless, he manages to give a tolerably definite description of the condition in which the Cakchiquels found it when they came after a long and arduous pilgrimage from Anáhuac to do homage to Acxitl. He confesses his ignorance of the particulars of the Toltec monarch's journey, and of the means by which he attained universal dominion in the east, but adds that it is certain that with the aid of the Toltec emigrants, like himself, and the Chichimecs of all languages, who followed in his footsteps, he had succeeded in establishing a kingdom larger, perhaps, than that which he had lost, and in conferring upon his subjects the benefits of civilization as well as the cult of Quetzalcoatl, of whom he was the supreme representative. Taught by experience the benefits of such a policy, he united under his authority the bands of emigrants that were constantly arriving, and with their assistance conquered by force of arms such of the surrounding provinces as would not peaceably acknowledge his supremacy. It was his custom to leave those princes who offered no resistance to his encroachments in possession of their titles and dignities, merely making them nominal vassals of the empire. By pursuing this policy Acxitl became so powerful that none of the numerous Quiché and Cakchiquel chiefs who afterwards founded states in these regions dared to assume the royal authority until they had been formally instated in their possessions by him. Thus it was that at the time when the Cakchiquels descended from the mountains to the plateau of Vera Paz, they found Acxitl occupied in conferring the sovereignty of that region upon one of the most renowned of the warriors who had followed him from Tollan, named Cempoal Taxuch before his coronation, and Orbaltzam afterwards.[953 - Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 101-5.]

NICARAGUAN TRIBES

Let us now follow the fortunes of the Xuchiltepecs, or that part of the tribes of the coast of Chiapas which separated from the Pipiles at Cuzcatlan. Following the coast southward they arrived at the Gulf of Conchagua. Here they were forced to halt, by the illness and subsequent death of the priest who had hitherto been their guide. Before expiring, the old man, who seems in some way to have gained a knowledge of that region, gave them full information as to what they might expect of the surrounding nations, exhorted them to settle and live in peace, and predicted that their ancient enemies, the Olmecs, would eventually become their slaves. The Xuchiltepecs accordingly stayed permanently where they were, on the borders of Honduras, Salvador, and Nicaragua, and bore henceforward the name of Cholutecs, from the country from which they originally came.[954 - Torquemada, tom. i., p. 332; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 79, 107-8. See vol. i., of this work, p. 791, for territory of Cholutecs.]

Of the other tribes of Nicaragua nothing is known, except the names and localities of those that inhabited the strip of country between the Pacific coast and the lakes. Of these, the Orotiñans occupied the country about the Gulf of Nicoya and south of the Lake of Nicaragua. Their principal towns were Orotiña, Cantren, and Choroté.[955 - Torquemada, tom. i., p. 332; Levy, Nicaragua, p. 6; see vol. i., of this work, p. 792.] North of these were the Dirians, whose chief cities were settled at the foot of the volcano of Mombacho, and at Managua on the lake of that name.[956 - Id.] North of the Dirians were the Nagrandans, or Mangnés, whose territory lay between Lake Managua and the ocean.[957 - Id.] The Chontales inhabited the mountainous region north-east of Lake Nicaragua.[958 - Id., p. 790.] Immediately south of the Cholutecs were the Chorotegans. These two nations are often regarded as identical. According to Squier the Chorotegans included the Orotiñans, Dirians, and Nagrandans.[959 - Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856), vol. ii., pp. 309-12; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 35.] The Niquirans, or Nicaraguans, were one of the most prominent tribes in Nicaragua.[960 - For locality, see vol. i., p. 792.] There is some confusion about their origin. Torquemada implies that they were part of the tribes that were driven from their home on the coast of Chiapas by the Olmecs, who, after the death of their priest at the Gulf of Conchagua, continued their journey to the Atlantic coast, along which they traveled as far as Nombre de Dios, founding several towns on the way. Thence they returned, in search of a fresh-water sea, to Nicoya, where they were informed that a few leagues farther on was a fine lake. They accordingly proceeded to the spot upon which Leon now stands, and there formed settlements. But growing dissatisfied with this site, they afterwards went to Nicaragua, where, by a treacherous ruse, they killed the inhabitants and took possession of the land.[961 - Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 332-3.] Brasseur tells much the same story of their travels and ultimate settlement in Nicaragua, but asserts that they were Toltecs.[962 - Hist., tom. ii., pp. 108-9.]

CHAPTER XIII.

HISTORY OF THE MAYAS IN YUCATAN

Aboriginal Names of Yucatan – The Primitive Inhabitants from the East and West – Zamná, the Pontiff-King – The Itzas at Chichen – Rule of Cukulcan at Chichen and Mayapan – His Disappearance on the Gulf Coast – The Cocome Rule at Mayapan – Appearance of the Tutul Xius – Translation of the Maya Record by Perez and Brasseur – Migration from Tulan – Conquest of Bacalar and Chichen – Itza Annals – Tutul Xius at Uxmal – Overthrow of the Cocome Dynasty – The Confederacy, or Empire, of Tutul Xius, Itzas, and Cheles – Fable of the Dwarf – Overthrow of the Tutul Xius – Final Period of Civil Wars.

Respecting the original name of Yucatan, Bishop Landa tells us that it was called Ulumil Cuz and Etel Ceh, 'land of turkeys and deer.' Padre Lizana writes the name U Luumil Cutz and U Luumil Ceb. Malte-Brun claims to have found a tradition to the effect that in the early time the interior plains of the peninsula were submerged, forming lakes, and the people lived in isolated groups by fishing and hunting. Landa also applies the name Peten, 'isle,' thinking that the natives believed their country to be surrounded with water. The Perez manuscript terms the peninsula Chacnouitan, which Gallatin believes to have been its true name; while Brasseur regards this as the ancient name of only the southern portion of the country. There is no doubt that the native name of Yucatan at the coming of Europeans and afterwards was Maya. Several authors define this as 'land without water,' a most appropriate name for this region. Brasseur in one place derives the name from Mai, that of an ancient priest; Cogolludo says the country was named from its capital or chief city thus differing at each successive epoch, being in ancient times Mayapan, but in the time of the writer, Campeche. Ternaux-Compans declares that from the fall of Mayapan to the coming of the Spaniards the country had no general name. All agree that the name Yucatan originated from a misunderstanding by the Spaniards of the words first pronounced by the natives when questioned about the name of their country.[963 - On the name of this country see: —Landa, Relacion, and Brasseur, in Id., pp. 6, 8, 42-3; Lizana, in Id., p. 348; Perez MS., in Id., pp. 421, 429; Id., in Stephens' Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 465, 467; see also vol. i., pp. 139-40; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 60-1, 178-9; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 28; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcvii., pp. 30-1; Malte-Brun, Yucatan, pp. 14-15; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 60.]

MIGRATION FROM THE EAST

The earliest inhabitants are supposed to have come from the east. As they fled before their enemies their god had opened a path for them through the sea.[964 - Landa, Relacion, p. 28; Herrera, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.] Lizana believes these first inhabitants came from Cuba, which may have been connected with the peninsula in those primitive times; while Orozco y Berra seems to favor the idea that they came to Cuba from Florida.[965 - Lizana, in Landa, Relacion, p. 354; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 128. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 178, quotes this from Lizana.] From this original population, few in numbers, is supposed to have come the ancient name cenial, or 'little descent,' applied by the inhabitants to the east; while the name nohenial, 'great descent' by which the west was called, originated from a larger migration from that direction. Cogolludo, it is true, claims that the eastern colony was the more numerous of the two, yet, this is not tradition, but his theory, based on the prevalence of the Maya language in connection with the unfounded assumption that those who came from the west must have spoken Aztec.[966 - Lizana and Cogolludo, as above. Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcvii., p. 32, also reverses the statement of the tradition respecting the relative numbers of the respective colonies.] All that can be learned from these traditions is the existence among the Mayas of a vague idea that their ancestors came originally from opposite directions. Their idea of the most primitive period of their history, like the idea entertained by other nations whose annals have been presented, was connected with the arrival of a small band from across the ocean. This was the 'little descent'; by this first band and their descendants the country was peopled and the Maya institutions established. The 'great descent' referred to the coming of strangers from the south-west, probably at different times, and at a much later period.

To account for the fact that but one language is spoken in Yucatan, and that closely related to those of Tabasco and Guatemala, Orozco y Berra supposes that the Mayas destroyed or banished the former inhabitants. They were evidently barbarians, as shown by their abandonment of the ruins; perhaps they were the same tribes that destroyed Palenque.[967 - Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 129.] But the reader already knows that the builders of the cities were found in possession of the country, and the unity of language is exactly what might be expected, if the traditional colony from the east peopled not only Yucatan, but the adjoining countries, and the subsequent returning colonies from the west came from the countries thus peopled. We learn from Boturini that the Olmecs, Xicalancas, and Zapotecs, of the eastern region of Mexico, fled at the approach of the Toltecs and settled in Yucatan. Veytia shows that if any of these peoples settled in Yucatan, it was from choice, not necessity; Torquemada and others add the Chichimecs and Acolhuas to the peoples that settled Yucatan. Cogolludo and Fancourt include the Teo-Chichimecs,[968 - Veytia, tom. i., p. 237; Torquemada, tom. i., p. 269; Lizana, in Landa, Relacion, p. 354; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 178; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., p. 115.] while most modern writers favor the theory that the Toltecs occupied Yucatan after their expulsion from Anáhuac in the eleventh century, erecting the cities that have since been found there in so great numbers.[969 - Stephens' Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 304-8, 342-3, 453-4; Bradford's Amer. Antiq., pp. 201-2; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 270-1; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., pp. 44-5; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, etc., vol. i., pp. 99-100; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 33, 142; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 346; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcvii., pp. 31-2.]

TOLTEC THEORY

The conjectures of the preceding paragraph and many others of a similar nature, are a part of the theory, so often noted in this work, of a general migration of American nations from north to south, a theory which has amounted almost to a mania for dispatching every ancient northern tribe southward, and for searching in the north for the origin of every ancient southern people. It was not enough that the people of Yucatan and Guatemala migrated from the far north-west; but it was necessary to find in each of these states traces of every nation whose presence in Mexico during the past ages has been recorded by tradition. After what has been said on this subject in this and preceding volumes, it is needless to repeat here the arguments against a Mexican origin for the people and monuments of Yucatan. No people in America show less indications of a past intermixture with foreign tribes; the similarity between the monuments and those farther north is sufficiently accounted for by the historical events to be recorded in this chapter; and the conjectures in question are not only unfounded, but wholly uncalled for, serving only to complicate a record which without them is comparatively clear if not very complete.

The Yucatec culture-hero was Zamná, or Ytzamná, who according to the traditions was the first temporal and religious leader, the civilizer, high-priest, and law-giver, who introduced the Maya institutions, divided the country into provinces, and named all the localities in Yucatan. He was accompanied, like other culture-heroes, by a band of priests, artizans, and even warriors. Ruling the country from his capital of Mayapan, he gave the government of the provinces to his companions, reserving the best positions naturally for chieftains of his own blood. Zamná was the reported inventor of the Maya hieroglyphic art, and it is conjectured that the Cocomes, the oldest royal family in Yucatan, were the descendants of this first ruler. He died at an advanced age and was interred at Izamal, supposed to have been at that time near the sea shore, a city which was named for him, and probably founded by him, where his successors erected a sacred temple in honor of his memory, which was for many centuries a favorite shrine for Yucatec pilgrims. Another personage, Kinich Kakmo, is prominent in the Maya mythology, and may probably have been identical with Zamná, or one of his companions.[970 - On Zamná, see: – vol. iii., pp. 462-5 of this work; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 178, 192, 196-7; Landa, Relacion, pp. 328-30; Lizana, in Id., p. 356; Brasseur, Hist., tom. i., pp. 78-80; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 23; Malte-Brun, Yucatan, pp. 15-17.]

Zamná may best be connected with the first colony, the 'little descent,' the first introduction of Maya institutions into the country, although it is not expressly stated that he was at the head of that colony; and both the colony and its leader may be identified most naturally with the introduction of the Votanic civilization and the establishment of the Xibalban empire already narrated from the traditions of the nations. Whether Zamná was a companion or disciple of Votan, or even identical with that personage, it is, of course, impossible to determine; and it is not by any means necessary to accept literally the arrival of either colony or leader. But the rôle played by Zamná was the same as that of Votan, and the same events at the same epoch may be reasonably supposed to have originated the Yucatec as well as the Tzendal, Quiché, and Toltec traditions of this primitive historic period. The statement of Ordoñez, already referred to, that Mayapan was one of the allied capitals which with Palenque, Tulan, and Copan, constituted the Xibalban, or Votanic, empire, is not improbable, although its truth cannot be fully substantiated.

THE ITZAOB AT CHICHEN

The next event in the annals of the peninsula is the rule of the Itzaob, three most holy men, at Chichen Itza, over the people also called Itzas. Closely connected with these rulers, and perhaps one of the three, was Cukulcan, or Quetzalcoatl, the 'plumed serpent.' Torquemada tells us that in very remote times, at the time of Quetzalcoatl's disappearance from Mexico, Cukulcan appeared from the west with nineteen followers, all with long beards, and dressed in long robes and sandals, but bare-headed. This author identifies him with Quetzalcoatl. Cogolludo in one place briefly refers to Cukulcan as a great captain and a god; and elsewhere speaks of the coming of Cozas with nineteen followers, introducing the rites of confession and otherwise modifying the religious institutions of the country. Landa speaks of Cukulcan as having afterwards been regarded as a god in Mexico, whence he had come to Yucatan, under the name of Cezalcouati (Quetzalcoatl). Herrera gives him two brothers, and states that the three collected a large population and reigned together in peace for many years over the Itzas at Chichen, where they erected many magnificent temples in honor of their gods. The three brothers lived a most holy and continent life, neither marrying nor associating carnally with women; but at last one of them, Cukulcan, for most of the authorities agree that he was one of them, left his companions and adopted Mayapan as his capital. Landa says on this subject: "It is the opinion of the natives that with the Itzas who settled Chichen Itza there reigned a great lord named Cukulcan, which is shown to be true by the principal edifice called Cukulcan. They say that he entered the country from the west, but they differ as to whether he came before, with, or after the Itzas; and they say he was very moral, having neither wife nor children." In another place the same author speaks of the three brothers also as having come from the west, reigning at Chichen, agreeing in life and character with Cukulcan, until one of the number died, or at least abandoned his companions and left the country.

After the departure or death of Cukulcan, the two remaining lords gradually gave themselves up to an irregular and dissolute life, and their conduct finally moved their subjects to revolt, to kill the two princes, and to abandon the city. Cukulcan in the meantime devoted his attention to building up, beautifying, and fortifying his new capital, erecting grand temples for the gods and palaces for his subordinate lords, among whom he divided the surrounding country and towns. He ruled here most wisely and prosperously for several years, but at last after fully establishing the government, and instructing his followers respecting their duties and the proper means of ruling the country peacefully, he determined, for some motive not revealed, to abandon the city and the peninsula. He tarried awhile, however, at Champoton on the western coast, where a temple was erected in commemoration of his stay. According to Herrera it was erected by himself.[971 - On Cukulcan and the Itzas, see: —Herrera, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.; Torquemada, tom. ii., p. 52, tom. iii., p. 133; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 190, 196-7; Landa, Relacion, pp. 34-9, 340-2; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 10-13; Malte-Brun, Yucatan, pp. 15-16; Stephens' Yucatan, vol. i., pp. 140-1.]

CUKULCAN AND THE COCOMES

It is evident enough that Cukulcan was the same as Quetzalcoatl, but to determine with which Quetzalcoatl – the Nahua culture-hero or the Toltec king – is a difficult matter. We have seen what complications in Mexican history arise from the fact that the Spanish writers failed to make any distinction between the two, most of them entirely ignoring the latter. Cogolludo dates the departure of Cukulcan in the middle of the twelfth century; Herrera makes it precede by about five hundred and sixty years the coming of the Spaniards; and Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his history, implies that Cukulcan was Acxitl Quetzalcoatl, thus placing his stay in Yucatan in or after the eleventh century. Yet most of the traditions seem to point to the Itzaob and to Cukulcan as preceding the Tutul Xius. The Itzas seem to have been among the most ancient nations in the country, and their name is best derived from that of Ytzamná. Even Brasseur de Bourbourg, in a later work,[972 - In a note to Landa, Relacion, pp. 35, 39; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 155-6.] offers the conjectures that the Itzas were Xibalbans who fled from Chiapas after the overthrow of their empire by the Nahuas, and that Cukulcan "was the same as the more or less mythologic personage of whom Sahagun speaks, the leader of the Nahua race to Tamoanchan, who seems identical with the Quetzalcoatl of the Codex Chimalpopoca, and the Gucumatz of the Popol Vuh."

There is no reason for bringing the Itza people from Chiapas, since they appear to have been like the Cocomes, descendants, or followers, of Zamná, whose history from the death of their great ruler down to Cukulcan's coming, is unknown. But it is certainly most consistent to identify Cukulcan with the first Quetzalcoatl and with Gucumatz, to regard his appearance and the rule of the three 'holy princes' at Chichen and Mayapan as the first introduction of the Nahua influence in Yucatan, and to date it within the first two centuries of the Christian era, while the Nahua power was beginning to rival that of the ancient Xibalba in Chiapas, and while the Olmecs and Xicalancas were becoming established in Vera Cruz and Puebla. Malte-Brun and some others deem Cukulcan and Zamná the same without any apparent reason, although the lives and deeds of both these pontiff-rulers are recorded only in the vaguest manner.[973 - Vol. iii., p. 465; Malte-Brun, Yucatan, pp. 15-16.]

It is probable that Cukulcan abandoned Chichen and its people, among whom he at first attempted to establish his peculiar reforms, because his teachings were not so favorably received or so permanent in their effects as he desired, and because he had reason to expect more favorable results among the Cocomes, whom he now adopted as his chosen people. Both 'listeners' and 'serpents' are given as the signification of the name Cocomes; the first may be referred to the fact that they were the first to 'listen' to Cukulcan's teachings; the second may arise from their relationship to the Votanic race of Chanes, or 'serpents.' Torquemada speaks of the Cocomes as the descendants of Cukulcan, but to regard them rather as disciples would be more consistent with the celibate life and chastity attributed to the great teacher. After the Plumed Serpent's departure the lords of Mayapan, raised to the highest power in the state the chief of the Cocome family, as Landa says, "either because this family was the most ancient or the richest, or because he who was at its head was a very valiant chief." Many of the aboriginal institutions of this country, as described in a preceding volume, are derived from traditions of this period of Cocome rule, one of the most prosperous in Maya history. The family names of rulers are often used as personal names in the annals of these nations, and thus we find the ruler at Mayapan spoken of as Cocom.[974 - Torquemada, tom. ii., p. 52; Landa, Relacion, pp. 38-45, 54-6; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 179-80; Herrera, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcvii., p. 34; Malte-Brun, Yucatan, pp. 15-6.]

MIGRATION OF TUTUL XIUS

Respecting the ensuing period of Cocome rule, we have no record until at a subsequent but undetermined date a new people, the Tutul Xius, appeared from the southern region where they had wandered long and suffered great privations, and settled in the vicinity of Mayapan, being kindly received by the Cocomes. All agree that they came from the south; Herrera brings them from the Lacandon mountains, and speaks of them as having entered Mayapan, where they lived in great peace together with the former inhabitants. Landa judges from linguistic and monumental resemblances that they came from Chiapas. Morelet suggests that they were a band from Palenque.[975 - Landa, Relacion, pp. 44-8. 'Le nom des Tutul-Xiu paraît d'origine nahuatl; il serait dérivé de totol, tototl, oiseau, et de xíuitl, ou xíhuitl, herbe, etc. En ceci il n'y aurait rien d'extraordinaire, puisqu'ils sortaient de Tula ou Tulapan, cité qui aurait été la capitale des Nahuas ou Toltèques après leur victoire sur Xibalba.' Brasseur, in Id., p. 47. See also Herrera, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii., iii.; Torquemada, tom. iii., p. 132; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 178, 182; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 271; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 171; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcvii., pp. 34-5.] I have already shown that the Tutul Xius were probably, like the Quichés and Toltecs, among the tribes that migrated from Tulan in Chiapas at some time between the third and fifth centuries.[976 - This volume, pp. 227-8 (#Page_227). Additional study of the subject has caused me to modify considerably in this chapter some of the statements on Maya history contained in vol. ii., pp. 118-20.] They were not like the Toltecs a purely Nahua nation, that is, they did not speak the Nahua language; but they were, like the Quichés, a branch of the ancient Maya, or Xibalban, people, which had in Chiapas been subjected to Nahua influences and had adopted to some extent the Nahua institutions. In language they were kindred to the Cocomes, Itzas, and all the aboriginal inhabitants of Yucatan; but like the Cocomes they were also followers of Cukulcan and Quetzalcoatl. Their kind reception is not therefore to be wondered at, and their subsequent prominence in the history of the country accounts for the Nahua analogies observed in Yucatan institutions and monuments.

THE PEREZ RECORD

CHRONOLOGY OF THE RECORD

I now present in full the Perez document which contains nearly all that is known of the Tutul Xiu annals. I quote the version given in Mr. Stephens' work, adding in parentheses the variations and a few explanatory notes from Brasseur's translation.[977 - Stephens' Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 465-9; Brasseur, in Landa, Relacion, pp. 420-9.] "This is the series of Katunes, or epochs, that elapsed from the time of their departure from the land and house of Nonoual, in which were the four Tutul Xiu, lying to the west of Zuina (probably the Tulan Zuiva of the Popol Vuh) going out of the land of Tulapan (capital of Tulan). Four epochs were spent in traveling before they arrived here with Tolonchantepeuj (Holon-Chan-Tepeuh, in both the Maya text and in Brasseur's translation) and his followers. When they began their journey towards this island (peten, meaning literally 'island,' is the word used, but Brasseur tells us that it was applied as well to regions almost surrounded by water, and the Mayas knew very well that their country was a peninsula), it was the 8 Ahau, and the 6 Ahau, the 4 Ahau, and the 2 Ahau[978 - For an account of this system of Ahau Katunes and the order of their succession, see vol. ii., pp. 762-5.] were spent in traveling; because in the first year of 13 Ahau they arrived at this island (peninsula), making together eighty-one years they were traveling between their departure from their country and their arrival at this island peninsula of Chacnouitan. In the 8 Ahau arrived Ahmekat Tutul Xiu (an error perhaps, for 13 Ahau as above, or this may refer to a later arrival of another party), and ninety-nine years they remained in Chacnouitan. Then took place the discovery (conquest) of the province of Ziyan-caan, or Bacalar (Bakhalal, Chectemal at the time of the conquest, probably near the site of Bacalar). The 4 Ahau, the 2 Ahau, and the 13 Ahau, or sixty years, they ruled in Ziyan-caan, when (since) they came here. During these years of their government of the province of Bacalar, occurred the discovery (conquest) of Chichen Itza. The 11 Ahau, 9 Ahau, 7 Ahau, 5 Ahau, 3 Ahau, 1 Ahau, or one hundred and twenty years they ruled in Chichen Itza, when it was abandoned and they emigrated to Champoton (Chanputun) where the Itzas, holy men, had houses (had had dwellings). The 6 Ahau they took possession of the territory of Champoton. The 4 Ahau [and so on for twelve epochs to the 8 Ahau] Champoton was destroyed or abandoned (Brasseur has it, "4 Ahau, etc., etc., and in the 8 Ahau Champoton was destroyed"). Two hundred and sixty years reigned (or had reigned at the time when Champoton was destroyed) the Itzas in Champoton, when they returned in search of their homes ("after which they started out anew in search of homes," according to Brasseur), and then they lived for several epochs under the uninhabited mountains ("for several epochs the Itzas wandered, sleeping in the forests, among rocks and wild plants, suffering great privations," as Brasseur has it, noting an omission of a part of the text in Perez' translation). The 6 Ahau, 4 Ahau, after forty years they returned to their homes once more, and Champoton was lost to them. (The French version is entirely different; "6 Ahau, 4 Ahau" – they wandered as above – "after which they – the Itzas – had again fixed homes, after they had lost Champoton"). In this Katun of 2 Ahau, Acuitok Tutul Xiu established himself in Uxmal; the 2 Ahau [and so on in regular order for ten epochs to 10 Ahau] equal to two hundred years, they governed and reigned in Uxmal with the governors (powerful lords) of Chichen Itza, and Mayapan. After the lapse of the Ahau Katunes of 11, 9, 6 Ahau, (Brasseur says 7 instead of 6 Ahau, as indeed it must be in order to preserve the order) in the 8 Ahau the governor (the powerful lords) of Chichen Itza was (were) deposed (ruined) because he murmured disrespectfully against Tunac-eel (Hunac Eel); this happened to Chacxibchac of Chichen Itza, who had spoken against Tunac-eel, governor of the fortress of Mayalpan (Mayapan). Ninety years had elapsed, but the tenth of the 8 Ahau was the year in which he was overthrown by Ajzinte-yutchan (Ah-Tzinteyut-Chan) with Tzuntecum, Taxcal, Pantemit, Xuch-ucuet (Xuchu-Cuet), Ytzcuat, and Kakaltecat; these are the names of the seven Mayalpans (lords of Mayapan). In this same period, or Katun, of the 8 Ahau, they attacked king Ulmil (king of the Ulmil) in consequence of his quarrel (festivities) with Ulil, king of Izamal (Ytzmal); thirteen divisions of troops had he when he was routed by Tunac-eel (Hunac Eel, 'he who gives intelligence'); in the 6 Ahau the war was over, after thirty-four years. In the 6 Ahau, 4 Ahau, 2 Ahau, 13 Ahau, 11 Ahau (Brasseur says in the 8 Ahau), the fortified territory of Mayalpan was invaded by the men of Itza, under their king Ulmil, because they had walls and governed in common the people of Mayalpan. Eighty-three years elapsed after this event and at the beginning of 11 Ahau, Mayalpan was destroyed by strangers of the Uitzes, (perhaps Quichés) or Highlanders, as was also Tancaj (Tancah) of Mayalpan. In the 6 Ahau (8 Ahau according to original text and Brasseur), Mayalpan was destroyed (finally abandoned). The epochs of 6 Ahau, 4 Ahau, and 2 Ahau, elapsed, and at this period the Spaniards, for the first time arrived, and gave the name of Yucatan to this province, sixty years after the destruction of the fortress. The 13 Ahau, 11 Ahau, pestilence and small-pox were in the castles. In the 13 Ahau, Ajpula (Ahpulá) died; six years were wanting to the completion of the 13 Ahau; this year was counted toward the east of the wheel, and began on the 4 Kan (the 4 Kan began the month Pop). Ajpula died on the eighteenth day of the month Zip, in the 9 Ymix (in the third month Zip, and on the ninth day Ymix); and that it may be known in numbers, it was the year 1536, sixty years after the demolition of the fortress. Before the termination of the 11 Ahau, the Spaniards arrived; holy men from the east came with them when they reached this land. The 9 Ahau was the commencement of Christianity; and in this year was the arrival of Toral, the first (new) bishop."

Such is our chief authority on the aboriginal history of Yucatan. It is, as Perez remarks, "rather a list than a circumstantial detail of the events," was doubtless written from memory of the original records after the Spaniards came, and may be inaccurate at some points. Perez claims to interpret its chronology according to his theory that the Ahau Katun was a period of twenty-four years;[979 - See vol. ii., pp. 762-5.] while Brasseur, following most of the Spanish writers, reckons an Ahau Katun as only twenty years. I do not propose to enter into any further discussion on this point, but it should be noted that while Perez adduces strong arguments in favor of his general theory of the length of these periods, neither his translation of the document in question nor his comments thereon are at all consistent with his own theory. The document states clearly that Ahpula died in 1536, six years before the end of 13 Ahau, which must have closed in 1541. An accurate calculation, reckoning twenty-four years to an epoch, would make the 8 Ahau in which the Tutul Xius left their ancient home, begin with the year 173, A.D.,[980 - In his Hist. Nat. Civ., Brasseur follows this system and repeatedly gives 174 (171 on p. 228 (#Page_228) of this volume is a misprint) as the date of this migration, using it indeed to fix the date of the migration of the Toltecs and Quichés from Tulan; but he adopts the other theory in his notes to Landa's work.] instead of 144 as Perez gives it. If we compute the epochs at twenty years each, we have 401 as the date when the migration began. I have not attempted to fix the date of the migration from Chiapas, of which this forms a part, further than to place it before the fifth and probably after the second century; but the date 401 agrees better than that of 173 with the general tenor of the authorities,

I therefore follow this system in forming the following résumé, although I give in notes the dates of the other system, together with some of Perez' dates.

The Tutul Xius left their ancient home in Chiapas in 401, wandering for eighty-one years before their arrival in 482 at Chacnouitan, or the southern part of the peninsula, under the command of, or together with, Holon Chan Tepeuh.[981 - Reckoning an epoch as 24 years, the migration lasted from 173 to 270, or 97 years instead of 81, as in the text. Perez has it from 144 to 217, or 73 years, which agrees neither with the text nor with his own theory.] Ahmecat Tutul Xiu arrived with them or at a later period,[982 - As late as 661 or 485, if Perez' statement of 8 Ahau be accepted, which is inconsistent with the whole record.] and they remained ninety-nine years in Chacnouitan, down to 581.[983 - From 218 to 360, according to Perez; or according to his statement that four epochs elapsed, from 270 to 366.] Then took place the conquest of Bacalar, where they ruled for sixty years, or from 581 to 641; but at the same time the 4 Ahau, 2 Ahau, 13 Ahau, of this period, correspond to the years 701 to 761, leaving the years 641 to 701 unaccounted for.[984 - 360 to 432, Perez; 533 to 605, on the basis of 24 years to an epoch.] During this rule at Bacalar, or at its end, they took possession of Chichen Itza, where they remained for six epochs, or one hundred and twenty years, from 761 to 881.[985 - 432 to 576, Perez; 605 to 725 on the basis of 24 years to an epoch.] Then they went to Champoton where the Itzas had been, taking that country in 941,[986 - Or 821 according to the other system.] nothing being said of them during the three epochs from 881 to 941. The Itzas had ruled in Champoton for two hundred and sixty years, from 4 (or better 6) Ahau to 8 Ahau, or from 681, when they were probably driven from Chichen,[987 - We have seen above that there is some confusion about the date of the Tutul Xius taking Chichen.] to 941 when they were driven out by the Tutul Xius.[988 - In his commentary, Perez applies this stay of 13 epochs to the Tutul Xius, although the text seems to state the contrary, making them live in Champoton from 576 to 888; or if he had added simply the 260 years of the text, 576 to 836; or if he had correctly adapted his chronology to his own theory, from 821 to 1133. On a basis of 24 years to a Katun the stay of the Itzas at Champoton, as given in the text, was from 533 to 821.] The Itzas wandered for two epochs, from 941 to 981, suffering great hardships,

and then again obtained fixed homes. Where they settled the record fails to state.[989 - 888-936, Perez; 821-869, on the basis of 24 years. Perez, applying this wandering to the Tutul Xius, makes them settle again at Chichen.]

TUTUL XIU ANNALS

Returning to the annals of the Tutul Xius, in 2 Ahau, 981, Ahcuitok Tutul Xiu settled at Uxmal, where his people ruled conjointly with the kings of Chichen and Mayapan for two hundred years, from 981 to 1181.[990 - 936-1176, Perez; 869-1109, on basis of 24 years, but this of course would not agree with the two hundred years of the text.] In the tenth year of 8 Ahau, or 1191, Chac Xib Chac, and other lords of Chichen, were deposed for some offence against Hunac Eel, the ruler of Mayapan. In the same epoch the Cocome king attacked and defeated the Itza king Ulmil. This war lasted thirty-four years, and was ended before 1221, by the Itzas invading Mayapan.[991 - Perez makes these events, which he seems to regard as two or three distinct wars, fill the time from 1176 to 1258. From 1119 to 1157, on a basis of 24 years.]

Eighty-three years passed, and then in 11 Ahau, between 1281 and 1301, Mayapan was conquered by the Uitzes, or mountaineers; and Mayapan was finally abandoned in 8 Ahau, between 1441 and 1461.[992 - 1258 to 1368, Perez; 1229 to 1445, on the basis of 24 years. Perez admits in his commentary only one destruction of Mayapan in 1308.] After three epochs more, the Spaniards came for the first time, between 1501 and 1521, sixty years after the destruction of Mayapan.[993 - Or, on a basis of 24 years to a Katun, between 1493 and 1517. Either of these dates agrees very well with the facts, since Córdova reached the coast of Yucatan in 1517, and Gerónimo de Aguilar was wrecked there, probably some years earlier. But Perez dates their arrival between 1392 and 1488, before America was discovered!] Between 1521 and 1561, the small-pox ravaged the country, and among its victims was Ahpulá, who died in 1536.[994 - Perez directly contradicts the text in placing this death in 1493.] Before 1561 came the Spaniards; and in the next epoch Christianity was introduced, and Bishop Toral arrived.

The first event narrated by the preceding document which seems to have any connection with those taken from other authorities is the establishment of the Tutul Xius at Uxmal, where they ruled during the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries with the monarchs of Mayapan and Chichen Itza. All authorities agree on the prosperity attending the reign of the Cocome monarchs in conjunction with the Tutul Xius at Uxmal. It was perhaps in this period that were built a large proportion of the magnificent structures which as ruins have excited the wonder of the world, and have been fully described in a preceding volume;[995 - Vol. iv., pp. 140-285 .] although there is no reason to doubt that some of the cities date back to the Xibalban period, to the time of Zamná and his earliest successors. Uxmal and the many cities in its vicinity may be attributed to the Tutul Xius.

The first king of Mayapan after the departure of Cukulcan is generally called Cocom, or Ahcocom, but we know nothing of his successors for some centuries, save Brasseur's conjecture that the four Bacab mentioned by Cogolludo as gods should be reckoned among the number.[996 - Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 197.] At last, probably during the twelfth century, Landa and the other Spanish writers agree that the monarchs at Mayapan began to neglect the interests of their subjects, and to become exceedingly avaricious, oppressing the people by excessive taxation. The first to follow this course of conduct is called by Brasseur Ahtubtun, a name selected from Cogolludo's list of gods for no other apparent reason than that his name signified 'spitter of precious stones,' certainly an indication of extravagance. To his successor this author applies the name Aban and the title Kinehahau. This monarch was even more oppressive than his predecessor, and loud murmurs of discontent began to be heard, but none were strong enough to make any opposition save the Tutul Xius. Either this king or a successor introduced into the country a force of foreign soldiers from Tabasco and southern Vera Cruz, and also established slavery, hitherto unknown in Yucatan.

OVERTHROW OF THE COCOMES

The Tutul Xius began their opposition to the Cocomes by sheltering their oppressed subjects. The third of the tyrants, probably identical with the Hunac Eel of the Perez record, was even more oppressive than those that preceded him, and brought in more foreign soldiers. In 1191 the monarch of Chichen Itza, Chac Xib Chac, was deposed by the tyrant and the deposition enforced by the aid of his foreign auxiliaries. Less than ten years later Hunac Eel with his allies marched again against Chichen, now ruled by a new monarch, Ulmil, and defeated him after a long campaign. The end of the trouble is briefly if not very clearly expressed by the author of the Maya record in the statement that Ulmil before 1221 invaded Mayapan.[997 - It seems to me very probable that there is an error or omission by the copyist or translator in this part of the document.]