The Native Races [of the Pacific states], Volume 5, Primitive History

The two sons of Hacavitz were sent to present the Cakchiquel tribute and homage at the Quiché court, where Iztayul received them with great kindness, giving them high rank and titles, and making them the royal tribute-gatherers of his empire. In this capacity they made a long tour through the Quiché possessions, even penetrating the mysterious region of the East, where the ancestors of the king had received the investiture of their royalty. At last they came to Lake Atitlan, where the united Zutugils and Ah-Tziquinihayi were still living. These vassals paid their tributes to the envoys, but contrived a cunning plan to recover the treasure. Two beautiful princesses, Bubatzo and Icxiuh, daughters of the ruling lords, were appointed to wait upon the royal tax-collectors. Caynoh and Caybatz were not proof against their charms, and the maidens, following the parental commands, allowed themselves to be easily won; but they managed in the night to escape from the couches of their royal lovers and to steal back all the gold and silver which had been paid as tribute. The princes complained bitterly when they discovered their loss, but as a compensation they received Bubatzo and Icxiuh for wives, with the promise of an honorable position at Atitlan, in case of Iztayul's displeasure. On their way back to Izmachi with their wives, however, the prospective anger of Tepeuh so overcome them that they hid themselves in a cave for a long time; but at last the Quiché king not only pardoned them for the affair of the lost tribute and for their marriage, but enabled them to overcome and put to death Baqahol and Gekaquch, and reseated them on the Cakchiquel throne as tributary monarchs on favorable terms to the imperial crown of Izmachi. Caynoh was made Ahpop Xahil, and Caybatz Ahpop Qamahay, corresponding exactly with the Quiché royal titles of Ahpop and Ahpop Camha.

Gucumatz mounted the throne at Izmachi on the death of Iztayul, and Cotuha II. became Ahpop Camha. This king began to reign probably towards the middle of the thirteenth century.[905 - Brasseur places his reign somewhere between 1225 and 1275.] Internal dissensions between the rival families of the Quiché nobility are vaguely alluded to in the records, but not with sufficient details to enable us to determine how they influenced Gucumatz to abandon Izmachi in favor of a new capital. He selected for this purpose the ancient Utatlan, situated on a plateau not far distant, which had probably long been in ruins.[906 - The Popol Vuh represents Utatlan, as we have seen, p. 573 (#Page_573), to have been first occupied by Cotuha and Gucumatz; meaning, as is shown by the table of kings in the same document – see p. 566 (#Page_565), of this volume – by Gucumatz as king and Cotuha II. as second in rank. Brasseur states that the name Gumarcaah was then given to the city, but it is much more likely that this was the ancient name, and Utatlan of later origin.]

DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE

It is now time to return to Juarros' version of Quiché history during the reigns of the first kings, although there is little hope of connecting it at any point with the versions already presented. Nima Quiché, who directed the people in their migration to these Guatemalan regions, ceded to his brother the command of the Mames and Pokomams, and at his death left his son Acxopal, or Acxopil, king of the Quiché tribes. This monarch, either by the increase of his people or by his conquests among the aboriginal tribes soon found himself master of the provinces now called Sololá, Chimaltenango, and Sacatepeques, with a part of Quezaltenango and Totonicapan. In his old age his empire seemed to him too vast and the duties of government too burdensome for his failing strength. He consequently divided his empire into three domains, keeping for himself that of the Quichés, giving that of the Cakchiquels to his oldest son Xiuhtemal, or Jiutemal, and that of the Zutugils to his second son Acxoquauh, or Acxiquat; the brother who ruled over the Mames and Pokomams is not named here. The bounds given by Juarros to the three kingdoms of the empire are substantially the same as those of the peoples speaking the same languages at the time of the Conquest, and were doubtless ascertained from the condition of affairs in the sixteenth century rather than from ancient records or traditions.

After the division it was not long before ambition began to produce what Juarros terms its usual results. Acxoquauh, king of the Zutugils, found his domain too small and wished to extend its limits to the detriment of his brother, Xiuhtemal. With this intent he marched at the head of a large army to the Cakchiquel frontiers, but was forced to retire to his fortified stronghold on Lake Atitlan, where the contest raged for many days until a truce was brought about by the aged Acxopal. Xiuhtemal took advantage of the peace to fortify his capital at Tecpan Guatemala, but during the extreme old age of his father he was called to direct affairs at the Quiché capital, and succeeded to the imperial throne at his father's death, putting his own eldest son on the Cakchiquel throne. Still fearful of his brother, his first care was to fortify the Quiché capital, – which Juarros represents as having been Utatlan from the first – building, among other extensive works, the castle of Resguardo.[907 - For description of the ruins of Utatlan, see vol. iv., pp. 124-8 .] His precautions seem not to have been unnecessary, for Acxoquauh soon recommenced the war, fighting particularly for the possession of the whole territory about the lake, which seems to have been in some way divided between the three monarchs. The war continued, with but brief intervals, throughout the reign of Xiuhtemal and during a part of that of Hunahpu, his son, who succeeded him. Nothing further is recorded of Hunahpu's reign, save that he distinguished himself by introducing the cultivation of cacao and cotton.[908 - Juarros, Hist. Guat., pp. 9-16.]

Except in the general statement that the Quiché, Cakchiquel, and Zutugil kingdoms formed a kind of alliance at this early period, a conclusion to which the other records have also led us, the version given by Juarros, from Fuentes, has apparently nothing in common with the others; and I shall not attempt to conjecture what may have been the source whence the names of kings given by these authors were derived. There is no room for hesitation in deciding which records are the more reliable. Brasseur in one place, after narrating the foundation of Izmachi, suddenly declares that with Qocavib and Nima Quiché the symbolic recitals cease and history begins, and then goes on for a few pages with an account of Acxopal and his division of the empire between his two sons, apparently accepting the version of Juarros, except in the name of the capital at the foundation of the empire. But shortly after, he abandons this for the other version, as follows: "The first king of Toltec race who appears after Acxopal is Xiuhtemal, who in his turn seems to have placed his son on the throne of Quauhtemalan, (Tecpan Guatemala, the Cakchiquel capital). According to more authentic documents, it is Balam II. of the house of Cawek, who succeeds Qocavib. Except the struggles mentioned by Fuentes, we find nothing about this prince or his predecessor, after the foundation of Izmachi," etc. Thus he implies that Qocavib was identical with Acxopal, and Balam Conache with Xiuhtemal. We hear no more of the names given by Juarros until we have the statement by the same author respecting Hunahpu that "everything favors the opinion that he is the same who reigned under the glorious name of Gucumatz," without any attempt to account for the intermediate kings of the Quichés, Cotuha and Iztayul. Consequently as I am inclined to suspect, "everything favors the opinion" that the worthy abbé has introduced the names Acxopal, Xiuhtemal, and Acxoquauh, from Fuentes solely because they are apparently Nahua names and therefore may add some force to his Toltec theory, and has then got rid of them as expeditiously as possible.[909 - Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 150-2, 475-7, 499. The opinion that Hunahpu and Gucumatz were identical, however, is said to receive some support from the Isagoge Historico, of Pelaez' work, quoted by Id., in Popol Vuh, p. 316.]

GUCUMATZ AT UTATLAN

The first care of Gucumatz was to restore the ancient buildings of Utatlan and to add to the city's old-time splendor by the erection of new and magnificent temples in honor of the gods. "There they built their houses in great numbers, and there also they built the house of the god in the centre of the city at the most elevated point, where they placed it when they came to establish themselves in that place. Then their empire was much enlarged, and when their numbers were already considerable, their great families took counsel together, and were subdivided." When the quarrels which had formerly threatened their empire were at last terminated "they carried into effect what had been resolved upon, and the royalty was divided among twenty-four grand houses or families." "There they increased in greatness, having thus gloriously united their thrones and their principalities; the titles of all their honors having been distributed among the princes, there were formed nine families with the nine princes of Cawek, nine with the princes of Nihaïb, four with the princes of Ahau Quiché, and two with the lords of Zakik. They became very numerous, and numerous were those that followed each of the princes; they were the first at the head of their vassals, and many families belonged to each of the princes. We shall now tell the titles of these princes and of each of the great houses." Then follows a list of titles, substantially the same that I have given in a preceding volume, when treating of the Quiché governmental system.[910 - See vol. ii., pp. 637-44.]

"Thus were completed the twenty-four princes and the twenty-four great houses; then was multiplied the power and majesty in Quiché; then was strengthened and extended its grandeur, when the city and its ravines were built up with stone and mortar and covered with cement. Both great and little nations came under the power of the king, contributing to the Quiché glory; power and majesty sprang up, and the house of the god was built as well as the houses of the princes. But it was not they who built them; they did no work, neither constructing the temple of their god, nor their own buildings, for all was done by their vassals, whose numbers were multiplied. It was not by stratagem nor by force that these vassals were brought in; for truly each one belonged to some one of the princes, and great was the number of their brothers and relatives who gathered to hear what the princes commanded. Truly were they loved and esteemed, and great was the glory of the princes. Veneration kept pace with their renown, and with the lords were multiplied the dwellers in the ravines round about the city. Thus nearly all the nations surrendered themselves, not through war and force directed against them in their ravines and cities, but by reason of the marvels wrought by their kings, Gucumatz and Cotuha.

REIGN OF GUCUMATZ

Verily, this Gucumatz became a most marvelous king. In seven days he mounted to the skies – ascended the mountain heights – and in seven days he descended to the region of Xibalba.[911 - Or, as Ximenez renders it, to Hell.] In seven days he took upon himself the nature and form of a serpent, and again of an eagle, and of a tiger; and in seven days he changed himself into coagulated blood. Truly the existence of this wonderful prince filled with terror all the lords that came before him. The knowledge thereof was spread abroad; all the nations heard of this prodigious king. And this was the origin of the Quiché grandeur, when the king Gucumatz wrought these signs of his power. The remembrance of his grandsons and sons was not lost – or, as Ximenez renders it, he did not lack descendants, both sons and grandsons. He had not done these things merely that there might be a royal worker of miracles, but as a means of ruling all nations, and of showing himself to be the only chief of the peoples. This prodigious king Gucumatz was of the fourth[912 - He is named as being of the fifth generation in the tables at the end of the document.] generation of kings, Ahpop and Ahpop Camha. He left descendants who also reigned with majesty and begat children who did many things. Thus were begotten Tepepul and Iztayul, whose reign made the fifth generation. They were kings, and each generation of these princes begat sons."[913 - Popol Vuh, pp. 307-17; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 121-5; Id., Escolios, in Id., pp. 165-8. This last work is perhaps the same as that quoted by Brasseur as Ximenez, Hist. de los Reyes del Quiché, MS., but it is merely a list of kings with some of their deeds, adding nothing whatever, in a historical point of view, to the translation of the Quiché record.]

It is seen by the preceding account of Gucumatz' reign that this king fully accomplished his object in transferring the capital to Utatlan. By removing his court to this ancient city he aroused the pride of all the tribes of Quiché race, and revived their traditional recollections of a glorious past; by restoring the ancient temples and by erecting new ones he enlisted the religious enthusiasm of the whole country in his favor. The universal interest in the new enterprise caused the former dissensions between rival nobles to be for a time forgotten. All these circumstances combined to create for Gucumatz a higher degree of popularity than he had ever before enjoyed; and when he felt sufficiently strong with the people, he still further fortified his position by a partial reconstruction of his empire. By the establishment of twenty-four houses of nobility he not only made partisans of those who were the recipients of new honors, but effectually checked the ambition of the leading nobles, whose quarrels had at one time threatened his sovereignty. Two of the new dignities were given to the family of Zakik, to which belonged the priest of the ancient temple of Cahbaha at Utatlan; and he gave the titles Ahau-Ah-Tohil and Ahau-Ah-Gucumatz, or high-priests of Tohil and Quetzalcoatl, to members of his own family, thus firmly attaching the priesthood to his own interests. Each of the newly created princes was required to have a palace in the capital and to reside there during a certain part of each year; in fact the policy pursued by Gucumatz resembles in many points that which we have seen pursued by the Chichimec emperor Techotl in Anáhuac as noted in a preceding chapter. There are no data from which to determine the extent of Gucumatz' domain; the descent to Xibalba may indicate that the Palenque region was subjected to his power, or simply that he was wont to spend in the tierra caliente a portion of each year. Brasseur believes that from this period the Ahpop Camha of the Quichés spent his time chiefly in the Zutugil capital at Atitlan.[914 - Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 493-9; Id., in Popol Vuh, p. cclxxvi.]

CAKCHIQUEL HISTORY

After the death of Gucumatz, Cotuha II., already holding the second rank of Ahpop Camha, mounted the throne. He was in his turn succeeded by Tepepul, and he by Iztayul II. with Quicab, or Kicab, as Ahpop Camha. Respecting the reigns of these three monarchs, the Popol Vuh gives no details whatever; and but very little can be learned from other records. The three reigns may, however, be supposed to have extended to about the end of the fourteenth century, a century which is thus almost a blank in the annals of the empire. One document[915 - Título de los Señores de Totonicapan, in Popol Vuh, pp. cclxxvi-vii.] informs us that the first of the three kings, Cotuha II., was treacherously put to death by the lords of Qohaïl and Ulahaïl, who drew him into an ambush, but his sons Quicab and Cavizimah, afterwards kings, avenged his murder by seizing and putting to death thirteen of the supposed guilty parties.

The Cakchiquel record[916 - Mem. de Tecpan-Atitlan, in Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 501-3.] mentions the third of the Quiché monarchs, Iztayul II., under the name of Xitayul-Hax. Caynoh, whom we left on the Cakchiquel throne,[917 - See p. 576 (#Page_576), of this vol.] had been succeeded by his son Citan-Qatu, a valiant and wise ruler who, under the sovereignty of the Quiché emperor at Utatlan, had considerably extended the power of his people. At his death he was followed by his son Qotbalcan, 'the coiled serpent,' and under his rule the subordinate chieftains took advantage of his good nature or want of ability, to reclaim their independence. The descendants of the princes Baqahol and Gekaquch, who had caused Hacavitz so much trouble in former years, were the first to inaugurate this revolt, which the other tribes were not slow to join, and thus the nation was again split up practically into scattered tribes, the king having little, if any, more authority than the other chieftains. The same condition of affairs continued during the reign of this king's son and grandson, Alinam and Xttamer-Zaquentol; the tribe under the royal command, after wandering for a long time, having finally settled near the kindred tribe of the Akahales, at the towns of Zakiqahol and Nimcakahpec. The great grandson of Qotbalcan, Chiyoc Queh, succeeded in again uniting under his rule most of the Cakchiquel tribes, and having founded the capital of Chiawar, somewhat further west than the old capital Tecpan Guatemala, and given the second rank of Ahpop Qamahay to his brother Ttattah-Akbal, he was laboring most strenuously to raise his nation to her old position at the time when the record mentions the death of Iztayul II., or Xitayul-Hax, and the accession of Quicab.

WAR BETWEEN QUICHÉS AND ZUTUGILS

I must now return to the version presented by Fuentes and Juarros, for this version agrees with the others respecting the name of the next king, Quicab, and hence it may be inferred that the period between the reigns of Hunahpu and Kicab, is identical with that between Gucumatz and Quicab. The kings that Juarros puts on the throne during this period were Balam Kiché, Balam Acam, Maucotah, and Iquibalam, names which are evidently identical with the four high-priests or sacrificers of a much earlier period. It seems probable that the authors cited found these names in the aboriginal records, and could make no better place for them than in the list of kings. The events referred to in these reigns are as follows: – Balam Kiché did nothing worthy of record. Balam Acam, his successor, was a most kind-hearted prince, and had great confidence in his cousin, the king of the Zutugils at Atitlan. But the latter abused this confidence by stealing the king's daughter from the royal palace in Utatlan; and Ilocab, a near relative of the Zutugil monarch – called Zutugilebpop by Juarros, evidently a title rather than a name – at about the same time abducted a niece of Balam Acam. These abductions caused a war which, as we are told, lasted with little intermission down to the coming of the Spaniards. The Quiché army under the king and Maucotah his chief general, marched on Atitlan, taking several strong towns on the way, and "the most terrible battle these countries had ever known" was fought against the Zutugil and Ah-Tziquinihayi forces under Ilocab. In this battle Ilocab was slain and the Quichés victorious. The campaign was continued, the Zutugils being aided by many allies, including the Pipiles of Salvador, while the Quichés were reinforced by the Cakchiquels and forces from Vera Paz. In a later battle the loss on both sides amounted to fourteen thousand, and among the slain was Balam Acam, who is blamed by Juarros for plunging the country in war for so slight a cause, since the purpose of the abduction was honorable marriage. Long wars between the Cakchiquels and Pipiles,[918 - Cakchiquels and Pipiles almost constantly at war; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 323; Id., in Nouvelles Annales, tom. cliii., p. 180.] as well as between the Quichés and Mames, resulted from Balam's attempt at vengeance.

Maucotah was named as the successor of Balam Acam, while yet in the field. Zutugilebpop, flushed with victory, besieged Xelahuh, one of the Quiché strongholds, but the fortune of war seems to have changed with the change of rulers, for the Zutugils were defeated both before Xelahuh and in their own territory about the lake, and their king died of grief and disappointment soon after, leaving his throne to Rumal-Ahaus, a young man of nineteen years. This young king continued the war, but was unable to retrieve the ill-fortunes of his people. In a battle fought soon after his accession, he had a personal combat with Maucotah, in which he was wounded, and forced to retreat, the Quiché king remaining in possession of the towns that his predecessor had conquered. Maucotah died soon after his victory, and was succeeded by Iquibalam, who marched with two hundred thousand men into the Zutugil states, determined to put an end to the resistance of the valiant Rumal-Ahaus, who had recovered from the effects of his wound. He captured many towns, particularly in the territory of the Pipiles and about Zapotitlan, but he also met with severe losses, and seems not to have gained any permanent advantage over the Zutugils. He died during the campaign, and was succeeded by Kicab, or Quicab, and Rumal-Ahaus was succeeded on the throne of Atitlan at about the same time by Chichiahtulú.[919 - Juarros, Hist. Guat., pp. 16-23. Fuentes used a history written by a son and grandson of the last king of Guatemala, Müller, Amer. Urrel., p. 454. Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 46, declares the Guatemalan manuscripts not reliable, and states that the Macario manuscript used by Fuentes was badly translated.]

The reign of Quicab is briefly disposed of by Juarros as follows: "He ascended the throne at a mature age, and with much experience in military and political affairs. Chichiahtulú, who, with the rank of Lieutenant General, had gained great advantages over the Quichés in the memorable campaign of Pinar (the one last referred to), having grasped the Zutugil sceptre, besieged the famous stronghold of Totonicapan. King Kicab not only opposed the movements of Chichiahtulú with a formidable army, but enlisting sixty thousand soldiers, he attacked with them many cities and towns of the Pipiles and Zutugils, among them Patulul; and although the governors of these places made great efforts to defend them, they were unable to resist the superior numbers of the Quichés. Chichiahtulú, seeing that his best possessions were being lost, hastened by forced marches to defend them, abandoning the siege of Totonicapan; but being taken grievously ill on account of his haste in that march, he died within a few days, greatly to the sorrow of his people. Still his army did not suspend their march, being commanded by the Lieutenant General Manilahuh, until they arrived within sight of the Quiché camp. The fury with which the attack was made on both sides is unspeakable; but the column of King Kicab on account of being close and double, being harder to break than the feeble and extended lines of Manilahuh, the latter were broken and scattered in less than an hour, the commander and many Atitlan chiefs being left on the field of battle, while the Quichés, chanting victory, returned to Utatlan. We do not know in detail the events under the seven monarchs of Quiché who succeeded Kicab I.; but it is certain that these two kingdoms were never for a long time at peace."[920 - Juarros, Hist. Guat., pp. 23-4.]

REIGN OF QUICAB I

Now comes the version of Quicab's reign given by the Popol Vuh, which document carries the Quiché history no farther, save a mere list of monarchs already mentioned. "Behold now the names of the sixth royal generation,[921 - The seventh according to the tables.] of the two great kings Quicab, the name of the first king, and Cavizimah, name of the second (Ahpop Camha). And behold the great deed that Quicab and Cavizimah did, and how Quiché was made famous by reason of their really marvelous condition. Behold the conquest and destruction of the ravines and cities of the nations great and small, all very near, including the city of the Cakchiquels, that now called Chuvila (Chichicastenango), as also those in the mountains of the Rabinals, that of Pamaca (Zacualpa), in the mountains of Caokeb, that of Zacabaha (San Andres), Zakuleu, Chuvi-Mugina, Xelahuh, Chuva-Tzak (Momostenango), and Tzolohche (Chiquimula). These abhorred Quicab, but truly he made war upon them and conquered and ruined the ravines and the cities of the Rabinals, of the Cakchiquels, and of the people of Zakuleu. He conquered all the tribes and carried his arms afar. One or two nations not having brought their tribute he entered their towns that they might bring their tribute before Quicab and Cavizimah. They were reduced to servitude; they were tortured and their people tied to trees and pierced with arrows; there was for them no more glory nor honor. Such was the ruin of these towns, destroyed from the face of the earth; like the lightning which strikes and breaks the stone, thus by terror he blotted out the nations."

"Before Colche, as a signal of its conquest, there stands to-day a monument of rock, as if he had formed it with his axe; this is on the coast called Petatayub, where it is still visible, so that everybody looks upon it as a sign of Quicab's valor. He could not be killed or conquered; verily he was a hero, and all nations brought to him their tribute. Then, all the princes having taken counsel, they went away to fortify the ravines and the towns, having taken possession of the towns of all nations. Then sentinels (spies) were dispatched to observe the enemy, and new tribes (or colonies) were formed to dwell in the conquered countries." Then follows with frequent repetitions an account of these colonies, their departure for their posts, their victories, and a list of cities occupied by them, including most of the names already mentioned. "Everywhere they waged war, taking continually new captives; they became in their turn heroes, they who had been guards of frontier posts; they became strong in their language as in their thoughts before the kings when they brought in their prisoners and captives."

"Then assembled the council at the order of the kings, of the Ahpop and the Ahpop Camha, of the Galel, and of the Ahtzic Winak; and it was decided that, whatever might happen, they should remain at the head, for their dignities were there to represent their family. 'I am the Ahpop, I am the Ahpop Camha, Ahpop to hold my rank like thine, O Ahau Galel.' As to the Galels, their nobility shall be, replied all the lords forming a decision. Likewise did those of Tamub and Ilocab; equal was the condition of the three races of Quiché, when the chiefs of the people set themselves up against the kings and assumed nobility. Such was the result of this assembly, but it was not there in Quiché that the power was seized. The name of the place exists where the vassal chiefs took possession of the power, for although they had been sent each to a different place, all afterwards assembled together.

REVOLT OF THE PLEBEIANS

Xebalax and Xecamac are the names of the place where they took possession of the power, at the time when they assembled their rank, and that took place at Chulimal. Behold the nomination, the installation, and the recognition of the twenty Galels, and the twenty Ahpops who were installed by the Ahpop and the Ahpop Camha, by the Galel and the Ahtzic Winak. All the Galel-Ahpops entered into their rank, eleven Nim-Chocoh, Galel-Ahpop, Galel-Zakik, Galel-Achih, Rahpop-Ahih, Rahtzalam-Achih, Utzam-Achih, titles of the warriors which they obtained when they were nominated and titled on their thrones and on their principalities, they who were the chiefs of the vassals of the Quiché nation, its sentinels and spies, its chiefs of the lances and chiefs of the slings, the ramparts, the walls, and the towers which defended Quiché. Thus also did the people of Tamub and Ilocab, the chiefs of the people in each locality having seized the power and caused themselves to be titled. Such was the origin of the Galel-Ahpops and of the titles that now exist in each of these places; such was their source, when they sprang up at the hands of the Ahpop and the Ahpop Camha, as also of the Galel and of the Ahtzic Winak, from whom they derived their existence."[922 - Popol Vuh, pp. 317-27; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 125-9. There are some differences and omissions in the Spanish translation.]

From the preceding narrative we learn that Quicab by his skill in war and the valor of his armies extended the imperial Quiché power far beyond its former limits, subjecting to the monarch of Utatlan nearly the whole of Guatemala; and also that later in his reign he was forced by a combination of his vassal chieftains, to whom military power had been entrusted during his conquests, to reorganize his government, and to bestow on these chieftains of the people nobility, and practically the control of the empire. With this political revolution the record as presented by the Popol Vuh ceases, the remainder of the document being devoted to a description of Quiché institutions already given in another volume of this work. Whether a portion of the original work has been lost, or the Quiché history was deemed by the author to have ceased with the humiliation of the ancient nobility by their forced association with plebeian chiefs, it is impossible to determine. Ximenez in his account of the Quiché kings devotes five lines to Quicab and Cavizimah, whom, however, he unites in one person.[923 - Escolios, in Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 168-9.] For additional details of Quicab's reign and the political changes which marked it, as well as for all subsequent Guatemalan history, we have only the Cakchiquel record,[924 - Mem. de Tecpan-Atitlan, in Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 503-45.] with slight information from other documents, as presented in the history of Brasseur de Bourbourg, together with the work of Juarros, whose version of Quicab's reign has already been presented.

TYRANNY OF QUICAB I

We left Chiyoc Queh, the Cakchiquel monarch, endeavoring to restore the former glory of his nation by re-uniting its scattered tribes under one head. The Zotzil-Tukuches were the only tribe that refused to recognize his royal authority, and at last the Cakchiquel monarch applied to the Quiché king for aid. Quicab and Cavizimah had just succeeded to the throne of Utatlan, probably early in the fifteenth century. They sent an army and routed the Zotziles, plundering and burning their towns and putting the inhabitants to death without mercy. They did not stop here, however, but forced Xiquitzal and Rahamun, who succeeded Chiyoc Queh on the Cakchiquel throne, to give up their sovereign rights and submit to become vassal lords, such of the people as resisted being massacred, sacrificed, or sold as slaves. The Mames met with the same treatment, their strongest towns including Zakuleu and Xelahuh (Huehuetenango and Quezaltenango) being forced to yield to the armies of Utatlan. Then the Rabinals and Pokomams were conquered, and no power was left that could make any resistance. Quicab claimed to be absolute monarch of the whole Guatemalan country; he admitted no allied kings paying homage and a nominal tribute as they had done under the reign of his predecessors, but reduced all rulers to the condition of royal governors entirely subject to his command. Few kings would submit to such conditions and most were consequently removed to make room for governors appointed by the Quiché emperor. In his efforts to subordinate all rank and power to his own personal sovereignty, he naturally arrayed the nobility of even the Quiché royal families against himself, and the means adopted to humble the ancient aristocracy were the appointment to high positions in the army of plebeian officers distinguished for their valor, and the humiliation of the noble officers on every possible occasion. The new chieftains were called Achihab, and so numerous did they become and so highly were they favored and stimulated against the nobles, that they soon possessed, and fully realized their possession of, the controlling power in the empire. In his efforts to humiliate one class, Quicab had created another which he could not control by force and which he had zealously educated to disregard all authority based on noble birth.

The Achihab, no longer content with military rank, aspired to the higher dignities of the court; the people were naturally enthusiastic in favor of their chiefs and were by them encouraged to question the authority of their king over them. Soon a deputation was sent to the court to demand certain reforms in favor of the people, including an abolition of personal service and labor on the highways. Quicab scornfully refused the petition of the popular chiefs, and his court was soon abandoned by the Achihab as it had long been by most of the nobles. Two of his sons, Tatayac and Ahytza, joined the Achihab in the revolt, promising them all the property and titles of the nobility in case of success, and being promised in turn the inheritance of the throne with the palaces, slaves, and wealth pertaining thereto. Quicab, in his extremity, applied for aid to the very nobility he had so oppressed, and seems to have received their zealous support, for notwithstanding the treatment they had suffered at the hands of the monarch, they saw plainly that with the success of the rebels all their prestige would be entirely destroyed. By the advice of the assembled nobles the leaders of the Achihab, including those who had composed the deputation demanding reforms, were seized and put to death. This caused an immediate rising of the people, who, incited by their chiefs, and by the descendants of the Tamub and Ilocab, invaded Utatlan, pillaged the royal palaces, and almost annihilated by massacre the ancient nobility. The king happened to be in a neighboring town at the time, and his life was spared at the intercession of his sons; but he was kept a prisoner while the rebel chieftains assembled in council as already narrated in the Popol Vuh, to reconstruct the monarchy and to choose from their own number the many lords that have been mentioned. At the close of their deliberations the king and the surviving nobles of the royal families were obliged to ratify the appointments at Chuliman, where the new lords were installed with great ceremony. The Ahpop and Ahpop Camha, seem, however, to have been left nominally in possession of their royal rank, although the power was practically taken from them.

WAR WITH THE CAKCHIQUELS

A quarrel broke out between the Quichés and the Cakchiquels residing in or near Utatlan, and the chiefs of the latter, Vucubatz and Huntoh, although particular friends of Quicab, were forced to flee from the city to avoid death at the hands of the Achihab. During their flight, however, accompanied by a large band of followers, they committed great ravages in the Quiché lands until they arrived at the Cakchiquel capital of Tecpan Quauhtemalan, or Iximché. On their arrival they assembled the nobles, and every preparation was made to resist the Quichés, who, it was thought, would not long delay an attack. The Cakchiquels determined to shake off the Quiché yoke; Vucubatz and Huntoh were raised to the throne, with the titles of Ahpozotzil and Ahpoxahil, borne by their successors down to the Conquest. The war began by the defeat of a Quiché army sent to punish the Cakchiquels for their warlike demonstrations. Other nations were ready to follow the example of the Cakchiquels; the Zotziles, Tzendales, Quelenes, Mames, Rabinals, Zutugils, and Ah-Tziquinihayi declared their independence, and many of these peoples not only threw off their allegiance to Quicab, but were further divided into independent bands or cities.

The Cakchiquel monarchy soon extended over nearly all of Guatemala south of Lake Atitlan and of the Rio Motagua, including many Pokomam districts, thus not only becoming independent of the crown of Utatlan, but also acquiring for itself the balance of power in the whole country, so long held by the Quichés. Quicab, now the mere tool of the Achihab, made little or no resistance, and was forced to see his nation reduced to a secondary position, her territory being constantly diminished by the revolt of new provinces and cities. It is said, however, by the author of the Cakchiquel document, that the Achihab had been restrained from attacking their rivals in the south by the influence of Quicab, who was friendly to the Cakchiquel kings, but this seems hardly probable. It is much more likely that the Achihab did not attack Vucubatz and Huntoh because all their power was required to repress hostile demonstrations nearer home. The idea of popular rights which had robbed Quicab of his greatness and raised the vassal chiefs to power was as dangerous and unmanageable for the new as for the old nobility.

About the middle of the fifteenth century the Quiché and Cakchiquel rulers died and were succeeded, the former by Tepepul II. and Iztayul III., the latter by Oxlahuh-Tzy and Lahuh-Ah. The Ahpoxahil, or second in rank at Iximché, however, lived only a few years, and was followed by his son Cablahuh-Tihax. Immediately after the change of rulers war was declared between the two nations, and at a time when the Cakchiquels were weakened by a famine resulting from a failure of crops, the Quiché army marched against Iximché. The kings Tepepul II. and Iztayul III., accompanied the army, escorting the idol of their god Tohil; but their forces were routed with great loss after a terrific contest, near the Cakchiquel capital; both kings with the idol fell into the hands of the enemy, and nothing farther is recorded of their lives. Ximenez[925 - Escolios, in Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 169-71.] puts the revolt of the Cakchiquels and the establishment of their monarchy in the reign of these kings instead of that of Quicab; and he also mentions a successful revolt of the tribes of Sacatepeques against the Cakchiquels, and the arrival of a band of Pokomams from Salvador, who were given lands within the limits of the two kingdoms. The two captive monarchs may have been put to death by their captors, so that it is not certain that Iztayul III. ever held a higher rank than that of Ahpop Camha.

LATER KINGS AT UTATLAN

Tecum, Tepepul II., Vahxaki-Caam, and Quicab II. followed on the throne of Utatlan down to the beginning of the sixteenth century, but nothing is known of their reigns, and the Quichés seem to have had but little to do with Guatemalan events beyond the limits of their own territory during this period. Juarros, however – and it is to be noted that this author gives no intimation of any serious reverses to the Quiché monarchy – attributes to Quicab II. a successful campaign against the Mames, undertaken because his own territory was found to be overcrowded with the increasing numbers of his subjects, and because the Mames were a miserable people, who should be content with less territory. At the report of Quicab's warlike preparations, all the surrounding nations made ready for defence, not knowing on which of themselves the blow was to fall. The lord of the Mames, Lahuhquieh by name, marched boldly to meet the Quiché army under the command of the king. The battle lasted all day, with no decisive advantage on either side; but during the night Quicab gained a commanding position on a hill, from the summit of which, at sunrise, a storm of stones and arrows was showered upon the foe. Lahuhquieh was soon defeated – the lord of Iximché, as is said, aiding in his overthrow – and his people were driven from their possessions to the northern mountains.[926 - Juarros, Hist. Guat., pp. 24-6.]

About all that is known of the kings that reigned at Utatlan from the death of Quicab II., probably about the beginning of the sixteenth century, down to 1524, is their names as given by the Popol Vuh, Vucub-Noh, Cavatepech, Oxib-Quieh, and Beleheb Tzi, the last two being respectively Ahpop and Ahpop Camha at the arrival of Pedro de Alvarado. Juarros names as kings for a corresponding period, Iximché, Kicab III., Kicab IV., Kicab Tanub, Tecum Umam, Chignaviucelut, and Sequechul. This author finds it recorded that during the reign of Kicab Tanub an envoy arrived from Montezuma II., of Mexico, announcing the presence of the Spaniards, and his own imprisonment, news which caused the Quichés to make active preparations for defence. Juarros also relates that Ahuitzotl, king of Mexico, after many unsuccessful attempts to conquer Guatemala, sent an embassy to the different kings, ostensibly to form an alliance with them, but as the southern rulers believed, to study the country and the best means of attack; the embassadors were consequently driven out of the country. The arguments of this and other authors, that Guatemala was never subjected to Mexican rule need not be repeated, since there is absolutely no evidence in support of such a subjection.[927 - Id., pp. 9-11, 35-9.]

The Cakchiquel record[928 - Mem. de Tecpan-Atitlan, in Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 529-45.] gives some additional information respecting the later period of Guatemalan aboriginal history. The Cakchiquel monarch Oxlahuh-Tzy seems to have been disposed to follow the example of Quicab at Utatlan, by humbling the pride of his vassal kings, and taking from them all real power. Among the most powerful of his allies were the Akahales of Sacatapeques under Ychal-Amollac. This ruler was summoned before the royal tribunal at Iximché on some pretext and was put to death as soon as he appeared in the judgment-hall; the domain of the Akahales was annexed to the possessions of the Cakchiquel monarch, and placed under the government of officers who were that king's creatures. The natural consequence of Oxlahuh-Tzy's ambition was the formation of a league against him by powerful tribes unwilling to surrender their independence. Among these were the Ah-Tziquinihayi of Atitlan under Wookaok, and the Caokeb under Beleheb Gih; the latter, however, were conquered by the victorious king of Iximché. About this time internal dissensions were added to the external combination against Oxlahuh-Tzy. The Cakchiquels at Iximché were divided into two branches, the Zotziles and the Tukuches, and the leader of the latter, Cay-Hunahpu took advantage of the ill-feeling produced by the king's oppressive measures against the nobility, to revolt with his partisans, leaving the capital and fortifying his new position near by. Here he awaited the movements of the revolting tribes which were leagued against the Cakchiquels, believing they would take advantage of his secession to attack Iximché, and hoping by aiding their attack and granting their independence, to place himself on the throne. The tribes in question and others did take advantage of Cay-Hunahpu's secession, not however to attack the capital and thus lend themselves to that chief's ambitious projects, but to declare their independence, establish governments of their own, and to make preparations for the defence of their homes. The revolting provinces included that of Sacatapeques as already mentioned by Ximenez, and the seigniories of Tzolola, Mixco, Yampuk, and Papuluka, established at this time, maintained their independence of Cakchiquel control down to the conquest, except perhaps Mixco.

REVOLT OF CAY-HUNAHPU

Cay Hunahpu, disappointed in the movements of his allies, attacked Iximché with the Tukuches under his command, but his partisans were routed, most of them being killed and the remainder fleeing to distant provinces; while the leader was also among the slain. Thus Oxlahuh-Tzy was still victorious, but was in no condition to attempt the reduction of the rebel provinces; for new internal troubles soon broke out. Cinahitoh, one of his bravest commanders in the last war, but apparently of plebeian birth, demanded the rank of Ahtzih Winak made vacant by the death of Cay-Hunahpu, but his claim was rejected, the office given to Ahmoxnag, and the brave Cinahitoh was put to death. The successful candidate was also executed for treason within a year. Oxlahuh-Tzy continued in his policy of opposition to the nobles, and even succeeded in regaining a few of the weaker tribes that had thrown off their allegiance to his throne. In a war with the Akahales it is recorded that a band of Yaqui, or Mexicans, probably traders, took part against the Cakchiquels.

PROPHECY OF DISASTER

About 1501 a defeat of the Zutugils and the capture of their stronghold of Zakcab by the Cakchiquel king is recorded; and about the same time the Ah-Tziquinihayi under Wookaok were besieged in Atitlan, but succeeded in defeating the invaders. Respecting the last epoch of Cakchiquel history, Juarros says: "The Cakchiquel king, Nimahuinac, also enjoyed for a long time the promised tranquility, having made peace and a perpetual alliance with the Pipiles; but this king having made his near relative Acpocaquil treasurer of his tributes, this traitor seized upon the city of Patinamit, now Tecpan Guatemala (Iximché) and all the country subject to that Cakchiquel stronghold; and the Zutugil king having declared himself an ally of the rebel Acpocaquil, an obstinate war was waged between these two lords, which lasted down to the arrival of the Spaniards. And it even seems that this was the reason why Sinacam, who had succeeded to the throne of the Cakchiquels, summoned and received peacefully the Spaniards, in order to regain by their aid the great possessions of which Acpocaquil, aided by the king of Atitlan, had despoiled him."[929 - Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 26. It is impossible to connect this account in any way with the others.] The Guatemalans were not left altogether without warnings of the Spaniards' coming, for as early as the reign of Quicab II. – which, however, was after the Spaniards were actually on the American coasts – Ximenez relates that the son of the Cakchiquel king, a great sorcerer, was wont to visit the Quiché cities by night, insulting the king with opprobrious epithets, and disturbing his rest. Great rewards were offered for his capture, and at last he was taken and brought bound into Quicab's presence, where preparations were made for his sacrifice, when, addressing the assembly the captive spoke as follows: "Wait a little and hear what I wish to say to you; know that a time is to come in which you will be in despair by reason of the calamities that are to come upon you; and this mama-caixon, 'miserable old man,' (the king) must die; and know that certain men, not naked like you, but armed from head to foot, will come, and these will be terrible and cruel men, sons of Teja; perhaps this will be to-morrow, or day after to-morrow, and they will destroy all these edifices, which will become the habitations of owls and wildcats, and then will come to an end all the grandeur of this court." Thus having spoken, he was sacrificed to the gods.[930 - Ximenez, Escolios, in Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 172-3.]

At the beginning of the sixteenth century, three rival and hostile monarchies ruled Guatemala, that of the Quichés at Utatlan, under Vucub-Noh and Cavatepech, probably the Kicab Tanub of Fuentes; that of the Cakchiquels at Iximché, under Oxlahuh-Tzy and Cablahuh-Tihax; and that of the Zutugils at Atitlan, under Wookaok. The condition of the Cakchiquel and Zutugil powers has already been portrayed so far as there is any information extant on the subject. The Quiché monarchy had recovered in a certain sense a large part of its former power. The Achihab had shrewdly kept the descendants of the ancient kings on the throne, and thus secured something of the friendship and respect of the scattered lords. True, these lords maintained their independence of the king of Utatlan, but so long as their privileges were not interfered with they were still Quiché allies against the hated Cakchiquels and all other foreign powers. So with all the independent tribes in the country, who, although admitting no control on the part of either monarch, were at heart allies of one of them against the others. Thus the ancient empire had been practically divided into three, each with its allied kingdoms or seigniories, of which three that of the Zutugils and Ah-Tziquinihayi at Atitlan, was much less powerful and extensive than the others.

There is no doubt that during this final period of Guatemalan history the Mexican traders, who constantly visited the cities of the coast in large caravans for commercial purposes, and who became, as we have seen, practically the masters of Soconusco, exerted an influence also in the politics of the interior. We have seen the prominent part this class played in the conquest of provinces north of the isthmus, and there is much evidence that they were already making their observations and laying plans, by mixing themselves in the quarrels of the Quichés and Cakchiquels, which might have brought the whole country under the Aztec rulers, had it not been for the coming of the Spaniards, which broke up so many cunningly devised plans in America. I have already noticed the expulsion of ambassadors seeking ostensibly an alliance with the southern powers, recorded by Juarros, and also the Mexican aid said to have been furnished the Akahales against the Cakchiquels.

Oxlahuh-Tzy died about 1510, and his colleague two years later, leaving the Cakchiquel throne to Hunyg and Lahuh-Noh. Early in the reign of these kings there came from Mexico the embassy already spoken of in a preceding chapter[931 - See p. 470 (#Page_470) of this volume; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., p. 624.] as having been sent by Montezuma II. probably to obtain information respecting the strangers on the eastern coast, and to consult with the southern monarchs about the best method of treating the new-comers. It is possible also, that the political designs alluded to above had something to do with the embassy, and Brasseur believes that the Mexicans and Cakchiquels formed at this time an alliance offensive and defensive against all foes. War broke out immediately afterwards between the Cakchiquels and Quichés, and lasted almost uninterruptedly for seven years, with no decisive results in favor of either party, although the Cakchiquels, who acted for the most part on the offensive, seem to have had the best of the struggle.

RAVAGES OF THE SMALL-POX

In 1514, while the war still continued, immense numbers of locusts caused a famine in the Cakchiquel dominions, and in the same year the city of Iximché was almost entirely destroyed by fire. In 1519 the war was suspended, perhaps on receipt of the news brought by the envoy already mentioned, that the Spaniards had landed at Vera Cruz. Omens of sinister import appeared here as at the north, one of the most notable being the appearance of a ball of fire which appeared every evening for many days in the east, and followed the course of the sun until it set in the west. The famous black stone in the temple of Cahbaha was found, when the priests went to consult it in this emergency, broken in two pieces. In 1520 there came upon the Cakchiquels an epidemic cholera morbus, accompanied by a fatal affection of the blood which carried off large numbers, but which were as nothing in their ravages compared with the small-pox which raged in 1521, contracted as is supposed, from the Nahua tribes of the coast region. One half of the whole Cakchiquel population are estimated to have fallen victims to this pestilence, including the two monarchs, who were succeeded by Belehe Qat and Cahi Imox. Whether the pestilence also raged among the Quichés is not known; but the monarchs of Utatlan renewed their hostilities at this time, and the Cakchiquels, weakened by disease and famine, harassed by rebellious vassals, and now attacked again by a powerful foe, adopted the desperate resort of sending an embassy to Mexico to demand the aid of the Spaniards, advised to this course doubtless by their Mexican allies. The reply was the promise that relief would soon be sent. In the meantime two Cakchiquel campaigns are recorded, one most successful in aid of the rulers of Atitlan against insurgents, and the other, less favorable in its results, in aid of the Ah-Tziquinihayi of Pacawal.

The news of the Cakchiquel alliance with the Spaniards caused the most bitter indignation, not only at Utatlan, where Oxib-Quieh and Beleheb Tzy had succeeded to the throne, but among all the tribes of the country, which seem to have formed a combination against the monarchs of Iximché, and to have already begun hostilities when, in February 1524, the approach of Pedro de Alvarado was announced. The details of Alvarado's conquest belong to another history; but in general terms, after having marched – not without opposition – through Soconusco, he defeated the native forces that attempted to check his progress on the banks of the Rio Tilapa, the Guatemalan frontier line, and advanced against the allied forces that had assembled from all directions in the region of Xelahuh, or Quezaltenango, under the command of Tecum, the Nim Chocoh Cawek of the Quiché monarchy. The two battles which decided the fate of the Quichés were fought near Xelahuh and Totonicapan, so that at Utatlan Alvarado met no open resistance, but was invited to enter the city, the plan being to burn the city and the Spaniards with it. The plot was discovered and the Ahpop and Ahpop Camha burned alive in punishment for their intentions, the city then being burned by the invaders. After the fall of Utatlan, Alvarado marched to Iximché, where he was kindly received by the Cakchiquel kings, and where he established his headquarters for the conquest of other nations, beginning with the Zutugils.[932 - Brasseur, Hist., tom. iv., pp. 619-51, with reference to MS. Cakchiquel, and other documents.]

CHAPTER XII.

MISCELLANEOUS TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA

Scarcity of Historical Data – The Tribes of Chiapas – The Founders and Heroes of the Chiapanec Nation – Wars with the Aztecs – The People of the Southern Coast – They are vanquished by the Olmecs – Their Exodus and Journey – They settle and separate – Juarros' Account of the Origin and later History of the Pipiles – Pipile Traditions – The Founding of Mictlan – Queen Comizahual – Acxitl's Empire of the East – The Cholutecs – Various Tribes of Nicaragua – Settlements on the Isthmus.