The Native Races [of the Pacific states], Volume 5, Primitive History

Meantime the larger portion of the emigrants pressed forward into the eastern country. They seem to have kept together until they reached a place called Tetliyacac,[768 - Spelled Tetliyucatl by Camargo. Torquemada, tom. i., p. 262, says that a separation took place previously at Tepapayecan. Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., p. 150, may possibly imply the same, but he is very confused at this point.] situated near Huexotzinco, where they separated into several divisions, and dispersed in various directions. Most of the surrounding cities and provinces fell into their hands one after another, and before long they had gained possession of the best part of the country. Thus the province of Quauhquelchula was appropriated by Toquetzal and Yohuallatonac, and the town of Coatepec was founded by Quetzalxiuhtli;[769 - Torquemada, tom. i., p. 262. Camargo says that Coatepec was founded in the province of Quauhquelchula by the three last named chiefs; this is, however, probably a mistake of the French translator. Brasseur says Coatepec 'se soumettait à Quetzalxiuhtli.' Hist., tom. ii., p. 372.] another band went to Ahuayopan, where a bloody fray took place among them, which caused a chief named Izcohuatl to separate from the rest and settle in Zacatlan. Tetzitzimitl founded, or took possession of Totollan; Quauhtzintecuhtli settled in Atlmayoacan; Cozcaquauh Huehue established himself in the Teopan district; Tlotlitecuhtli went a little lower down; Tempatlahuac settled in the Contlan district; Cacamatecuhtli in the Xaltepetlapan district; Calpan surrendered to Toltecatltecuhtli; Cimatecuhtli obtained Totomihuacan; Totomalotecuhtli gained possession of Tepeaca.[770 - Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., p. 373, calls this chief Quauhtliztac.]

For several years the Teo-Chichimecs continued to extend their settlements over the entire plateau. Some of the provinces yielded without a struggle, others offered a desperate resistance, but though the invaders occasionally met with a temporary repulse, their arms were always victorious in the end. At Nacapahuazcan they were visited by certain Chichimec chiefs who are said to have preceded them on the plateau, and who instructed the new-comers how to cook meat in earthen pots which they presented to them.[771 - Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., pp. 151-2. These chiefs were named Totolohuizil and Quetzaltehuyacixcotl, and are the same as those mentioned by Camargo on p. 150, as having arrived at Cholula in the year 1 Acatl. They are also identical with the Chichimec-Toltec chiefs who, according to Brasseur's account, already recorded, conquered Cholula by a stratagem soon after the Toltec fall. See ante, pp. 485-6 (#Page_485). Speaking of their visit to the Teo-Chichimecs at Necapahuazcan, Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., p. 372, calls them the "nouveaux seigneurs de Cholula." But it is evident from the context that Camargo does not regard them as such, notwithstanding what he has said about their arrival in 1 Acatl.] Here they conferred the dignity of Tecuhtli upon a number of warriors who had distinguished themselves. They next proceeded towards the plain of Cholula, but their passage through the mountains was opposed by the Tlachiach and Aquiach, who refused to let them enter their country. They met with a very haughty response, however, in which the Teo-Chichimecs expressed their determination to continue their march in spite of all opposition. Upon this the Cholultec princes retreated, and the invaders advanced without hindrance. At Tepeticpac, a city strongly fortified by art and nature, their progress was again stayed by the Olmec prince, Colopechtli, but after a desperate resistance the city was taken and its brave defender slain. Struck by the advantageous position of this place, the Teo-Chichimec leader, Quanez,[772 - Called 'Colhua-Teuctli-Quanez, le vainqueur de Poyauhtlan,' and Culhua-Teuctli, by Brasseur; and Culhuatecuhtli and Aculhua Tecuhtli by Camargo.] resolved to found his capital here. The city was first known as Texcalticpac, then as Texcalla, and finally as Tlaxcallan, or Tlascala.[773 - Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., pp. 136, 152-4, 164; Veytia, tom. ii., p. 175; Herrera, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii; Torquemada, tom. i., p. 263.]

CONQUEST OF CHOLULA

So far everything had gone well with the invaders. While they were united and occupied themselves only in driving the rightful possessors from the soil they had experienced a succession of brilliant conquests. But, as is usual in such cases, they had no sooner got possession of the country than they began to quarrel among themselves. Quanez was the first to give rise to a jealous feeling. He had fortified his position at Tlascala more strongly than ever, and seemed disposed to aim at the sovereignty of the plateau. To this his brother chiefs at Huexotzinco and other places would not submit. Each wanted to be independent in the territory he had won, and they clamored for a distinct division of the soil. Quanez, however, persisted in his ambitious designs and soon confirmed their suspicions by his acts. Upon this the other chiefs held a consultation which resulted in their uniting their forces and marching upon Tlascala. It seems that they were met by Quanez, who, however, was defeated in the engagement that ensued and forced to retreat to his stronghold, where he was closely besieged by his enemies.[774 - Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., p. 154.] The Tlascaltecs did not remain shut up within their walls, however, but made frequent and furious sallies against the besiegers. The horrors of these engagements, in which fathers fought against sons, and brothers against brothers, are dilated upon by the historians. All efforts were unavailing, outpost after outpost was lost to the enemy until the Tlascaltecs were finally driven within the walls of the city proper, without any hope of escape. In this extremity Quanez managed to secretly dispatch messengers to the king of Tezcuco and to the princes of Xochimilco[775 - Brasseur writes Xicochimalco.] and Xalpan, requesting assistance. The Tezcucan monarch promptly responded to the call with a considerable force, under the command of a valiant chief named Chinametl, and at the same time sent the beleaguered Quanez a valuable alabaster vase as an encouraging token of regard. This re-inforcement, together with certain prophecies delivered by the oracle of Camaxtli, re-assured the Tlascaltecs, and they at once set about strengthening their position.

In the meantime Xiuhtlehui, prince of Huexotzinco, who commanded the allied troops, seeing the aid obtained by the enemy, and fearing that the victory which had seemed so certain during the earlier part of the campaign, was slipping out of his hands, sent messengers to Coxcoxtli, king of Culhuacan,[776 - 'Coxcoxtli, roi de Culhuacan, qui gouvernait alors, avec ses propres états, les Mexicains établis dans le voisinage de sa capitale, et les Tépanèques d'Azcapotzalco, est le seul prince à qui se puisse rapporter l'événement dont il s'agit ici, Tezozomoc n'ayant régné que beaucoup plus tard.' Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., p. 409; see also note on p. 410 of same work. Camargo says that Xiuhtlehui sent for aid to 'Matlatlihuitzin, qui régnait alors à Mexico.' Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., p. 156. Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 197-201, states that he sent to Acamapichtli II, Matlatlihuitzin being probably a surname borne by that prince. Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 264-5, and Clavigero, tom. i., p. 155, agree with Camargo in the name, but speak of the prince as being Tepanec.] imploring his aid, and expatiating on the strongest terms on the harm wrought by the Tlascaltecs. Coxcoxtli was much puzzled how to act; he was on friendly terms with both parties, and perhaps, as Camargo says, he was afraid of the Tlascaltecs. At length, after carefully considering the matter, he adopted a very cautious policy. He instructed the Huexotzinca envoys to tell their master that he would send an army as required, but no sooner had they departed than he sent a message to the Tlascaltec chief, greeting him in the most friendly terms, and informing him of the application he had received and the promise he had given. This promise, he said, he was bound to keep, but only as a matter of form; his troops should take no active part against the Tlascaltecs, who, he begged, in their turn, would take care not to injure his soldiers.

WAR BETWEEN TLASCALA AND HUEXOTZINCO

Flattered by this proof of friendship, Quanez returned his thanks to Coxcoxtli with assurances that the latter's troops should suffer no harm at his hands. The Tlascaltecs then prepared to meet the expected attack, and all the people attended an elaborate ceremony for the purpose of beseeching the protection and aid of their god Camaxtli. The answer of the god was favorable; he exhorted them to take courage and fear nothing, for they should surely be triumphant, and directed them to seek for a virgin having one breast larger than the other, and sacrifice her in his honor, which was done.

On the third day, when the last of the propitiatory ceremonies had been completed, the Tlascaltecs turned their attention towards the enemy; and, behold, the hills and plains, far and near, were swarming with hostile troops. Coxcoxtli's auxiliaries had arrived and were posted as a reserve on a neighboring mountain, where they remained inactive during the combat that ensued. At this sight the hearts of the valiant Tlascaltecs sank within them, and they sought and obtained renewed assurances of divine favor. Scarcely had they done so when the battle commenced. At the first shock the Tlascaltecs captured a warrior, who was hurried to Camaxtli's altar, and sacrificed in their horrible manner. The battle soon raged furiously, the air was black with stones, arrows, and javelins, the rocks resounded with the war-cries of the combatants, blood flowed in torrents. Cheered on by their high-priest, and strong in their faith in the oracles that had promised them victory, the Tlascaltecs were irresistible, and soon drove the enemy before them. Before long the rout became general, and a terrible carnage ensued, the like of which could be found only, say the annals, upon the bloody plain of Poyauhtlan. In the meantime Coxcoxtli's troops descended from the hill from which they had witnessed the whole battle, and quietly retreated to Anáhuac, without in any way succoring the defeated army.

This great victory made the Tlascaltecs much respected, and all the neighboring nations hastened to congratulate Quanez upon his success and proffer him their alliance, while the conquered people humbly confessed that they had been in the wrong and prevailed upon the elated victor to pardon their presumptuous conduct. Thus Tlascala became the most powerful state on the plateau, a position which it enjoyed for some time in peace.[777 - Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. cxviii., pp. 154-63; Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 264-8; Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 154-5; Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 200-12; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 405-18.]

EASTERN ALLIANCE

It was about this time, or shortly afterward, that disturbances occurred in Cholula, of which there is more than one account. Brasseur relates that the ancient inhabitants of the city, who had groaned for a number of years under the Teo-Chichimec yoke, and whose principal men had long been in exile, resolved at length to make an effort to recover their freedom. They applied to Coxcoxtli of Culhuacan for aid, and as a sure inducement appealed to his piety, by reminding him that Cholula was in a spiritual sense the daughter of Quetzalcoatl, while in a temporal sense she was the vassal of the kings of Culhuacan, whom she had never ceased to venerate as sovereigns. Coxcoxtli granted their petition and at once sent a force to their assistance. The Teo-Chichimecs who were in power at Cholula, had leagued themselves with the Huexotzincas, against Tlascala, but since their humiliation, for some reason or other, they had concentrated at Quauhquelchula, where they continued to oppress the followers of Ceacatl. The lineal descendants of the high-priests of Quetzalcoatl were Iztantzin and Nacazpipilolxochi; they managed to interest in their favor the prince of Tlascala, by referring to the great things he had done to the honor of Camaxtli, and reminding him that this god was the father of Quetzalcoatl; was it not the duty of the Tlascaltecs, they added, to do all in their power to restore the ancient worship of the prophet and deliver his ministers from their banishment. This crafty argument had the desired effect. An alliance was concluded between the Cholultecs and the neighboring states of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, Totomihuacan, Tepeaca, Quauhtecan, and Quauhtinchan, and the exiled ministers of Quetzalcoatl were solemnly conducted back to the sacred city. The towns of the territory of Cholula were then subjected to the Toltec authority, as of old, and the Teo-Chichimecs of Quauhquelchula, Cuetlaxcoapan, and Ayotzinco, hitherto leagued together against Iztantzin, were forced to recognize him as their suzerain. These events occurred between the years 1280 and 1299.[778 - Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 418-19.] Veytia's story of this disturbance in Cholula is that Quauhquelchula, Cuetlaxcoapan, Ayotzinco, and some other places in the province rose in rebellion against the high-priest Iztamantzin,[779 - Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 349, writes Iztamatzin, and on p. 216, Yztacima.] who called upon Xiuhtemoc, king of Culhuacan, for assistance. The force furnished by this monarch was divided into two parts, one led by himself, the other by Nacazpipilolxochi. With this army the insurgents were finally humbled, though not without considerable bloodshed, and after the campaign had lasted nearly a year.[780 - Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 154-5; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 216, 349.] After the return of its priests Cholula quickly regained its ancient prosperity. The old laws were enforced and the executive authority was entrusted to a military chief, who was assisted in his duties by a council of six nobles, and this form of government was preserved until the time of the Conquest. From this time the city was rarely troubled with wars, but was respected and held in veneration as a sacred place of pilgrimage by all the surrounding peoples.[781 - Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 419-20.]

The peace which followed the victory over the Huexotzincas and their allies gave the Tlascaltecs an opportunity to turn their attention to more peaceful pursuits. Their position as leading nation on the plateau was now assured, and for a time they devoted themselves to the furtherance of culture and commerce, fixing boundaries and granting lands to those who had deserved them by their conduct in the late wars. After remaining under one head for several years the government took the form of a sort of aristocratic republic. It was about this time that Tlascala was divided into four wards, or districts. Quanez had a brother named Teyohualminqui, to whom, in his old age, he made over the district of Ocotelulco,[782 - Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., p. 164. Veytia, tom. ii., p. 213, considers this account wrong. Culhua Tecuhtli Quanez, he says, who is Xiuhquetzaltzin, the younger brother of Quinantzin of Tezcuco, had no brother by that name, or, none who would have joined him in Tlascala – he disregards the fact, as related by himself, that Xiuhquetzaltzin must have ruled over a hundred years already. It is therefore much more probable, as related by other writers, he continues, that Quanez left his own district of Tepeticpac or Texcalticpac to his eldest son, as will be seen, and Ocotelulco to his second son, Cuicuetzcatl, 'swallow;' he ruled jointly with his brother, and left the succession to his son Papalotl, 'butterfly,' who was followed by his brother Teyohualminqui, the above-named personage. He thinks the above two rulers have been omitted because of their brief rule. Others, he continues, relate that Mitl divided the rule with his brother. Ixtlilxochitl, p. 344, says that the Tlascaltec rulers descended from Xiuhguzaltzin. Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., p. 143, though he cites Camargo as his authority, states that Quanez associated his brother with himself on the throne, and divided the town and territory of Tlascala with him. Teyohualminqui then chose Ocotelulco as his place of residence.] giving him at the same time a part of the relics of Camaxtli, which were so highly venerated as to constitute in themselves a gift no less princely than the lands.

REIGN OF QUANEZ

This prince so distinguished himself and enlarged his domain by his bravery and conquests that he eventually came to be regarded as chief of the whole nation. Another district, called Quiahuiztlan,[783 - Called also Tlapitzahuacan.] was granted by Quanez to a chief named Mizquitl, who, according to Camargo, had been one of the leaders of the Chichimecs who went north after the battle of Poyauhtlan instead of crossing the eastern range. He had led his band northwards to Tepetlaoztoc, whence he had subsequently come to Tlascala, arriving there in time to assist Quanez against the Huexotzincas. It was for this service that the district was awarded him. These were three of the four wards, for the part that Quanez reserved for himself formed one, probably the largest at that time, and was called Tepeticpac. The history of the events which led to the foundation of the fourth district is much confused. Camargo relates that Acatentehua, grandson of Teyohualminqui, and third lord of Ocotelulco, after reigning mildly for some time, suddenly became tyrannical. Tlacomihua, one of his nobles, raised a revolt, killed him, and succeeded to the throne of Ocotelulco. These events led to the disaffection of one Tzompane, who went with his followers to a part of Tepeticpac, and there established a separate government. He was succeeded by his son Xayacamachan, otherwise called Tepolohua, who was afterwards massacred, together with all his relations. The next rulers were Aztoguihua Aquiyahuacatl and Zococ Aztahua Tlacaztalli, the latter of whom went with his followers to the heights of Tianazatlan, where he founded Tcatlaiz. His grandson, Xicotencatl, was reigning at the time of Cortes' arrival.[784 - Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., pp. 165-72.] According to Brasseur, who follows Torquemada principally, a number of the inhabitants of the two oldest quarters, Tepeticpac and Ocotelulco, finding themselves too crowded, descended into the neighboring valley of Teotlalpan, where they constituted a separate government under a chief named Tepolohua.[785 - Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 143-4, makes Tzompane, Xayacamachan, and Tepolohua, one and the same person. Camargo, as we have seen, speaks of them as father and son. Torquemada, tom. i., p. 275, combines two of the names, Xayacamachantzompane.] The number of people that deserted the higher districts for the pleasant valley, excited the jealousy of the other chiefs. They united their forces, descended upon the young settlement, and killed Tepolohua. The followers of the late chief then departed to Tizatlan where they founded a seigniory which continued to thrive in peace up to the reign of Xicotencatl, who was ruling when the Spaniards came. At Tepeticpac the descendants of Quanez continued to reign, and were regarded as ranking first in the state. It was at this epoch that the united districts of Tlascala adopted the peculiar form of government described in a former volume,[786 - See vol. ii. of this work, p. 141.] and that Nezahualcoyotl paid his first visit to the republic, in 1420.

The history of the plateau grows very dim and disconnected from this time on, and has light thrown upon it only here and there, as it happens to be connected with the more important affairs of the Aztec empire, which seems to have engrossed the attention of the historians.

MISCELLANEOUS EVENTS

Almost all that is known of the events that remain to be recorded has already been told. We have seen that in 1428 Nezahualcoyotl, fleeing for his life from Maxtla, took refuge for a second time in Huexotzinco and Cholula, and was aided by the people of these and other places on the plateau to recover his father's throne at Tezcuco.[787 - See pp. 387-8 (#Page_387), of this volume.] In 1451-6 came the great famine, when the terrible compact was made between the people of the plateau and those of Anáhuac for the provision of human sacrifices.[788 - Id., p. 414 (#Page_414).] Then followed the war between the Miztecs and the allied powers, in which the Tlascaltecs and Huexotzincas espoused the cause of the former.[789 - Id., p. 416 (#Page_416).] We next find the restless Tlascaltecs stirring up a war between the Mexicans and the Olmecs of Cuetlachtlan, allying themselves with the latter and sharing in their defeat.[790 - Id., p. 417 (#Page_417).] Shortly before the year 1460 several important cities upon the southern part of the plateau, at the instigation of the Tlascaltecs and Huexotzincas, killed some Mexican merchants, were instantly attacked by the powers of the valley, reduced to the rank of Mexican provinces, and appended to Montezuma's empire.[791 - Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., p. 269.] About the year 1469 Axayacatl, the Mexican monarch, having some cause of complaint against the people of Huexotzinco and Atlixco, invaded their country, and in the battle that ensued the Mexicans, encouraged by the miraculous appearance of Tezcatlipoca, routed their enemies.[792 - See this vol., p. 426 (#Page_426).] During the reign of Nezahualpilli, Huexotzinco was again troubled, the reason for the war this time being, as we have seen, the predictions of the astrologers that Huehuetzin was fated to vanquish the Tezcucan monarch – predictions which Nezahualpilli falsified, in their literal meaning at least, by a stratagem.[793 - Id., pp. 437-8 (#Page_437).] Ahuitzotl of Mexico is said by Camargo to have invaded the plateau and conquered Huexotzinco and Cholula,[794 - Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., p. 178.] and it would appear that this fierce king did not leave the country empty handed, for of the eighty thousand human victims immolated by him at the dedication of the temple of Huitzilopochtli in 1487, we read that sixteen thousand were Huexotzincas.[795 - Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., p. 341.] His own nephew was afterwards taken captive in one of the numerous battles or skirmishes which seem to have been constantly occurring on the borders of the plateau, principally at Atlixco, and offered as a sacrifice on the altar of Camaxtli.[796 - See this vol., p. 443 (#Page_443).] In 1498, an altercation arose between the lords of Cholula and Tepeaca, which led to a series of combats between those states. The Cholultecs sought and obtained the aid of Ahuitzotl, and we are left to suppose that they then triumphed over their enemies. But the Mexican emperor received a severe check soon afterwards at Atlixco. The close proximity of that town to the valley made it desirable for annexation to the empire. Ahuitzotl accordingly entered its territory suddenly with a considerable force. The Atlixcas gathered what troops they could to oppose the Mexicans, and at once dispatched messengers to their allies at Huexotzinco for aid. One of the Huexotzinca captains, named Tultecatl, who was playing at ball when the news arrived, hurried off with a few followers to the scene of combat without even taking time to arm himself. Without hesitation he plunged into the thick of the fight, slew a warrior with his hands, seized his arms, and threw himself with such fury upon the Mexicans that they were soon routed and forced to abandon the field. For this valorous conduct Tultecatl was made ruler of a Huexotzinca town. But in little more than a year events occurred which obliged him to retire from his post. For some time past the priests of his town had been indulging all manner of excesses with impunity; entering and pillaging houses with the greatest effrontery; taking away the women's clothes while they were bathing; insulting the men; and, in short, taking advantage of their sacred character to commit every conceivable species of outrage. Tultecatl attempted to put a stop to this disorder, and punish its authors. For this purpose he armed a number of the most respectable citizens. But the priests also took up arms, and excited the populace in their favor. It is said that Camaxtli aided his servants by various enchantments, which so frightened the citizens that they retreated in dismay. A great number of the nobles with their followers, then betook themselves to Itzcohuatl, lord of a neighboring province, to whom they related the cause of their leaving Huexotzinco. But Itzcohuatl was a creature of Ahuitzotl, at whose hands he had received the lordship he now enjoyed; he betrayed the refugees to his master, by whom they were all put to death.[797 - Torquemada, tom. i., p. 191; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 38; Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 259-60; Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., pp. 375-7; Veytia, tom. iii., pp. 297-9.]

ADVENTURES OF TULTECATL

Immediately after the accession of Montezuma II., Atlixco became once more the seat of war. This unfortunate city seems to have been regarded by the kings of the valley as the proper place to attack whenever they required human victims for sacrifice. It was customary for the kings of Anáhuac before they were formally crowned to make a raid upon some neighboring nation for the purpose of obtaining captives that their blood might grace the coronation ceremonies. This was the cause of Montezuma's expedition against Atlixco on the occasion above referred to. He accomplished his end and returned with a great number of prisoners, though the victory seems to have been dearly gained. But the armies of the haughty Montezuma were not always triumphant when they encountered the stronger nations of the plateau, and a short time after the victory at Atlixco they received a serious check at the hands of the Tlascaltecs.

WAR BETWEEN TLASCALA AND MEXICO

For a long time Tlascala had been regarded with much jealousy by the Huexotzincas, Cholultecs, and other nations of the plateau, both because of its great commercial prosperity, and of its successful resistance to the conquering kings of the valley. The Tlascaltecs seem at this period to have given up all hopes of gaining the sovereignty of the entire region – so long the object of their ambition – and to have confined their resources to strengthening their own position, and fortifying their frontiers. Almost all the neighboring states appear at this time to have been either allied to or conquered by the powers in the valley, and consequently the defensive measures adopted by the republic for the preservation of its independence fanned their smouldering envy into flame, so that they took every opportunity to provoke a quarrel between Tlascala and the kings of Anáhuac. They represented that the Tlascaltecs designed to possess themselves of the eastern maritime provinces; that they hindered the merchants of the other nations from trading in those regions, by making secret treaties with the inhabitants. Only too glad of an excuse to humble his ancient enemies, the Mexican monarch was easily prevailed upon to break up the Tlascaltec trade in the east, and this he did so effectually that for a number of years the people of the republic were deprived of the luxuries and even some of the necessaries they had previously enjoyed. At length, weary of these privations, yet not strong enough to better their condition by force, they dispatched an embassy to the Mexican king to inquire the cause of an enmity which they had done nothing to provoke. For answer, they were told contemptuously that the monarch of Mexico was lord of the entire world, and they must pay tribute to him or be prepared to take the consequences. To this they returned a haughty reply, saying that their nation had never payed tribute to any earthly king, and that before submitting to do so now they would shed more blood than their ancestors had shed at Poyauhtlan. They then once more turned all their attention to strengthening their position, and it was probably at this period, says Clavigero, that they built the six-mile wall on the east side of the city. They received considerable assistance from the numerous Zacatec, Chalca, and Otomí refugees, of whom the garrisons on the frontier were chiefly composed. But the privations which they suffered by reason of the stoppage of their intercourse with the surrounding peoples, constantly increased, and for over sixty years, says Torquemada, salt and other staples were unknown to the poorer classes, at least, though the nobles may have fared somewhat better.[798 - Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., pp. 178-80; Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 197-9; Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 275-8; Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., pp. 402-5.] The date of these events is not certain, but they probably occurred during the reign of Axayacatl. From the time of the defiance recorded above until the accession of Montezuma II., there appear to have been no important hostilities between the Mexicans and Tlascaltecs, but no sooner had Montezuma ascended the throne of Mexico than he determined to make a grand effort to humble the stout little republic, and forthwith issued a proclamation commanding all his subjects and allies to assist in a general attack. At this time the four lords of Tlascala were Maxixcatzin, who ruled in the district of Ocotelulco; Xicotencatl, in Tizatlan; Teohuayacatzin, in Quiahuiztlan; and Tlehuexolotl, in Tepeticpac. Fifteen years afterwards these four princes received Cortés and his companions within their walls. The Huexotzincas and Cholultecs were the first to begin the war, which may be said to have lasted until the coming of the Spaniards. Failing to bribe the Otomí garrison of Hueyotlipan, on the Tezcucan frontier, to betray their trust, they invaded the Tlascaltec territory under the command of Tecayahuatzin of Huexotzinco, and advanced as far as Xiloxuchitla, within a league of the capital. Here they were met by Tizatlacatzin, a noble chief of Ocotelulco, who with a mere handful of warriors succeeded in checking their farther advance, though at the price of his own life.[799 - Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 200-1; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 40. According to Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., pp. 182-3, and Clavigero, tom. i., p. 278, the Tlascaltecs were beaten on this occasion.] The Tlascaltecs hastened to avenge the death of their brave leader by laying waste the province of Huexotzinco. Shortly afterwards they again encountered the Huexotzincas on the heights of Matlalcueje, and pressed them so hard that Tecayahuatzin sent off in haste to Montezuma for re-inforcements. The Mexican monarch at once responded with a large force under the command of Tlacahuepantzin, his eldest son.[800 - Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., p. 183; Clavigero, tom. i., p. 279; Torquemada, tom. i., p. 200; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 40; Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., p. 406. These authorities say that the Mexican general was Montezuma's eldest son. But Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 271; and Duran, MS., tom. ii., cap. lvii., Tezozomoc, in Id., p. 160; say that he was Montezuma's brother.] After receiving re-inforcements at Quauhquelchula Tlacahuepantzin proceeded by way of Atlixco valley to effect a union with the Huexotzincas, but the Tlascaltecs, seeing that this must be prevented at all hazards, bore down upon him before he could join his allies with such fury that his army was scattered in all directions. In this battle Tlacahuepantzin was slain and a great spoil fell into the hands of the victors, who probably suffered severely also, as they now returned to their capital to recuperate. But it seems[801 - Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 278-80; Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 201-2; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 40; Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., p. 183; Veytia, tom. iii., pp. 324-5. Tlacahuepantzin is regarded by Clavigero as a man appointed to the generalship on account of his birth, and not because he possessed any military ability. Duran, MS., tom. ii., cap. lvii., who makes this a war between Huexotzinco and Mexico, states that he performed wonders on the battlefield, killing over fifty men, but was captured and killed on the field, in accordance with his own request; the body was preserved as the relic of a hero. Other brothers of Montezuma were also killed, and many captives carried to Huexotzinco. Tezozomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 160-1, adds that the Aztecs were only one to twenty in number, and that 40,000 warriors fell in the fight. Shortly after, continues Tezozomoc, Ixtlilcuechahuac of Tollan, aided by Aztec troops under three of Montezuma's cousins attacked the Huexotzincas again; the three cousins were killed, with most of their troops, and the lord of Tollan, who was conspicuous in his fine dress, was also slain; but the Chalcas coming up, the victory turned and the Huexotzincas were compelled to retreat. Id., pp. 165-6; Duran, MS., tom. ii., cap. lviii. After this, the Cholultecs, who had never yet had a war with the Mexicans, says Duran, challenged that people to fight a battle, 'to give pleasure to the god of battle and to the sun.' The Mexicans and their allies who, according to Tezozomoc, were opposed by six times the number of Cholultecs, aided by Huexotzincas and Atlixcas, lost 8,200 men; whereupon the fight was discontinued, and the Aztecs went home to mourn. Tezozomoc, pp. 169-70; Duran, MS., tom. ii., cap. lix. Ixtlilxochitl, p. 278, seems to refer to this battle when he says that Montezuma II. agreed with the Atlixcas to leave Macuilmalinatzin, the true heir to the Mexican throne, in the lurch. He accordingly perished with 2,800 of his warriors. Nezahualpilli composed a scathing poem, denouncing this act as a base assassination.] that they still managed to keep the Huexotzincas penned up on the heights of Matlalcueje, where they again attacked them with fresh forces the following year. But the delay had also given the Huexotzincas time to recuperate, and to strengthen their naturally advantageous position, so that the worst the Tlascaltecs could do was to ravage the country, and this they did with such effect that many of the Huexotzincas were eventually compelled to migrate to Mexico in quest of food. Tezozomoc makes this a more serious affair. When the Huexotzincas, he says, were hard pressed by the Tlascaltecs, the children and aged of the former people were invited to take refuge in Mexico while the Mexicans with their allies set out to assist the Huexotzincas. For twenty days Tlahuicol, the Tlascaltec general, fought bravely, retreating at the same time before the superior number of the enemy. Finally he was captured in a marsh, his army scattered, and the land restored to the Huexotzincas.[802 - Tezozomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 172-4; Duran, MS., tom. ii., cap. lx.; Clavigero, tom. i., p. 280; Veytia, tom. iii., pp. 325-6.]

ADVENTURES OF TLAHUICOL

When Montezuma heard of the defeat of his troops by the Tlascaltecs and the death of his son he was furious, and in a public speech declared that he had hitherto permitted the republic to exist as a supply of captives for sacrifice and for the exercise of his armies[803 - The truth of this bombastic assertion the Tlascaltec historian, Camargo, denies, and doubtless with reason; as it would be absurd to suppose that the Aztecs would have permitted the existence of such a formidable enemy at their very doors if they could have helped it. Besides, we have seen how often they did their best to subdue Tlascala and failed.] but that now he was determined to utterly annihilate the presumptuous and obstinate little state now and forever. The people surrounding Tlascala were ordered to renew the attack on all sides in conjunction with the Aztec troops. But the Tlascaltecs were, as usual, well prepared, and with the aid of the Otomí frontier population, they gained a glorious victory, and rich spoils. At the festivities which ensued in Tlascala, the leaders of the Otomí auxiliaries were rewarded with the title of tecuhtli, while the defeated Mexican captains were, by Montezuma's orders, deprived of their rank and privileges.[804 - Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 202-3; Veytia, tom. iii., pp. 326-7; Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., pp. 407-9; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 41; Duran, MS., tom. ii., cap. lxi; Tezozomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 176-8; Clavigero, tom. i., p. 280; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 497; Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., pp. 184-6.] Thus the brave Tlascaltecs preserved their independence in spite of the united efforts of their enemies until the coming of Cortés, when it was their assistance and implacable animosity to the Mexicans that made it possible for a handful of adventurers to conquer a world.

WAR BETWEEN TEZCUCO AND TLASCALA

The above-recorded events occurred about 1505. During the same year, the Huexotzincas and Cholultecs fell out. In an engagement which ensued the former put their enemies to flight and pursued them into Cholula, where they killed a few citizens and did some trifling damage to the temples. Anxious to carry this version of the quarrel to Montezuma before the Cholultecs could tell him another story, they at once despatched an embassy to the emperor. But the messengers mistook their rôle, and in their anxiety to extol the valor of their countrymen they lead Montezuma to believe that the Cholultecs had been utterly annihilated and their city destroyed. The emperor was much disturbed at this news, because he had always been accustomed to regard it as a holy city, secure from destruction. Upon inquiry, however, he learned the true facts, and at once sent a powerful army to punish the Huexotzincas for the deception they had practiced upon him. The Huexotzincas marched out to meet the imperial troops, but an explanation ensued, and the lying ambassadors having been properly punished, Montezuma was pacified.[805 - Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 209-10; Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 284-5; Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., pp. 418-20; Veytia, tom. iii., pp. 338-40.] In 1507 the Huexotzincas, as we have seen,[806 - See this vol., p. 464 (#Page_464).] became embroiled with the Mexicans once more, on account of their burning the lighthouse at Acachinanco – an offense for which they were severely chastised by Montezuma's troops.

A war between Tezcuco and Tlascala, which took place a very few years before the conquest, is the latest recorded event in which the people of the plateau were concerned, prior to the coming of the Spaniards. On this occasion Nezahualpilli was urged by Montezuma to join him in making war upon the Tlascaltecs, for the purpose of obtaining victims for sacrifice. It seems that the Mexican monarch was jealous of the greatness of his Tezcucan rival, and planned this war for his destruction.[807 - Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 280-1, the Tezcucan historian, is the only authority for this account, and it is probable enough that he has exaggerated Montezuma's treachery.] Nezahualpilli, however, suspecting no harm from his colleague, set out with his army towards Tlascala, and camped in the ravine of Tlalpepexic. Montezuma had in the meantime sent word to the Tlascaltecs of the threatened invasion, informing them at the same time that though he was bound, as a matter of form, to accompany Nezahualpilli, his troops would not aid him but rather favor the Tlascaltecs. The latter accordingly formed an ambuscade in the ravine of Tlalpepexic, and in the morning, just as the Tezcucans, warned by certain evil omens of the impending danger, were breaking camp in great haste, they fell upon them furiously, and routed them with great slaughter.

From the eastern plateau we turn now to the kingdom of Michoacan, which lay to the west of Anáhuac. The boundaries of this flourishing state, as they existed at the time of the Conquest, may be easily defined. On the north and north-east the rivers Tololotlan, Pantla, and Coahuayana separated Michoacan from Tonala and Colima; on the west the shores of the Pacific stretched south to Zacatollan; the winding course of the river Mexcala marked the southern frontier; and on the east lay the Mexican provinces of Cohuixco and Matlaltzinco. The face of the country enclosed within these limits presents a series of undulating plains, intersected by numerous mountain chains of varying height. The climate is temperate, the land fertile, well wooded and watered, and was celebrated, even in pre-Spanish times, for its mines of gold and silver.

EARLY TARASCO ANNALS

It is a singular fact that the Tarascos, the representative people of Michoacan, though they were certainly equal, if not superior, to their Aztec neighbors in civilization, wealth, and power, have left no record of their history anterior to the thirteenth century, while even the little that is known of their later history is told chiefly by Aztec chroniclers. The origin of the Tarascos[808 - For etymology of this name, see vol. ii., p. 130.] is consequently an unsolved problem. Their civilization seems to have been of the Nahua type, though their language was totally distinct from the Aztec, the representative Nahua tongue.[809 - Several names of places in the country were, however, of Aztec origin, and even the name Michoacan, 'place of fish,' is derived from the Aztec words michin and can. Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., p. 47, says that the original name of the country was Tzintzuntzan, but he translates this, 'town of green birds.' Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., p. 52, says Michoacan was 'le nom que les Mexicains donnaient à la région des Tarasques.'] It is a prevalent opinion that Michoacan formed part of the Toltec empire, and that though from its position it was the first to suffer from the invading tribes, yet it was not affected by the causes which overthrew the empire to such an extent as the valley of Anáhuac; thus this theory would make the Tarascos the very best representatives of the oldest Nahua culture.[810 - Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 214, mentions a Toltec party that emigrated to the Michoacan region, and dwelt there for a long time. Sahagun, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 145-6, refers to a Toltec migration as an issue from the same region. Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 39-40, speaks of Toltecs who founded colonies all along the Pacific coast, and gradually changed their language and customs.] Orozco mentions the Tecos as being among the earliest inhabitants of Michoacan; the subsequent possessors, he says, took the country from this people about the time that the Toltecs settled in Tollan.[811 - Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 120, 141.] Tello speaks of the Culhuas coming from Aztlan, the home of the Nahuatlacas, and settling in Sonora, Jalisco, and as far south as Etzatlan and Tonala. Gil, commenting on this, expresses a belief that there was a succession of early migrations into this western and north-western region. Thus the Culhuas came from the west and extended along the coast to Zacatollan. They were followed by the Coras, who settled in Acaponeta Valley and as far as Zentipac. Then came the Thorames, who conquered the previous settlers and drove them to Nayarit. Afterwards various Aztec tribes arrived from the north. The first immigrants appear to have been the most civilized, and occupied Tuitlan Valley, founding the city of that name. The next comers erected the Teul temple. Last of all came a ruder people, who destroyed the young culture in places.[812 - Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. viii., pp. 500-1.] But these accounts of the earliest occupation of Michoacan are very meagre and unsatisfactory. The authorities nearly all tell the story of the Aztecs in their migration from the Seven Caves to the valley of Anáhuac, passing through this region and encamping on the shores of Lake Patzcuaro, where they quarrel, in the manner already related,[813 - See this vol. p. 328 (#Page_328).] and separate, one portion proceeding to Anáhuac, and the other, bearing the name Tarascos, remaining and settling the country.[814 - See also Tello's version of Aztec settlement given by Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. viii., p. 501.] As I have already remarked, however, no faith can be placed in this story. The total dissimilarity in language shows the Tarascos to have been a people entirely distinct from the Mexicans. It must not, however, be thought from this that there was any relationship between the Toltec and Tarasco languages. We have already seen that many nations adopted Nahua institutions, who did not speak Nahua dialects.

Herrera states that Michoacan was occupied, during its later years, by four peoples, each having a different origin and language, namely, Chichimecs, Mexicans, Otomís, and Tarascos.[815 - Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.] Of these, says Brasseur, the Chichimecs were savage tribes who lived on the north-east frontier. Though they would not conform to the rules of civilized life, yet they recognized the sovereignty of the Tarasco princes, and lent them their aid in time of war. Their language was the Pame, which is spoken at the present day by the tribes living in the mountains of Tzichu, north-east of Guanajuato. The Mexican population was composed of those Nahuas who had separated from their companions on the march, or who had from various causes been forced to flee from Anáhuac. The Otomís were the primitive nations who dwelt in the valleys west of Anáhuac, including the Mazahuas on the north, and the Matlaltzincas on the south-west.[816 - Hist., tom. iii., pp. 55-6.]

An anonymous manuscript written for Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain, formerly belonging to the Peter Force collection, in Washington, and quoted by Brasseur de Bourbourg, contains nearly all that is known of the early history of Michoacan.

CHICHIMEC OCCUPATION

At the period when the Chichimecs first made their appearance in Anáhuac and the surrounding regions, Michoacan was settled and its people were civilized. At that time the country was divided into a great number of little states, and the people of the principal of these called themselves Betamas and Ezcomachas. The most powerful of all the chiefs was the king of the isles of Patzcuaro, who bore the title of El Henditare, 'lord above all,' and had subjected a number of the surrounding peoples, including some Chichimec tribes, to his authority.

A little to the north of the lake was the independent town and territory of Naranjan, which was governed by a chief named Ziranziran Camaro. It is in the neighborhood of this town that we first meet with the wild Chichimec Wanacaces,[817 - Called Chichimecas vanáceos by Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 266.] led by their chief Iri Ticatame, who bore by virtue of his office the image of their god Curicaneri. All we know of the original home of this people is that, according to their own account, they came from a distant land called Bayameo. They were a wandering race of daring hunters, and seem to have had no particular object in coming to Michoacan other than to find good hunting-grounds. Upon arriving at the borders of the forest of Wiriu Quarampejo, within sight of the city of Naranjan, they halted and built a great altar to their gods as a token that they had found the kind of country they wanted and intended to settle there. The presence of the strangers created a great deal of alarm among the original inhabitants, and this was increased when Iri Ticatame sent word to Ziranziran Camaro that his people must bring fuel to the altar of Curicaneri. Such an insolent demand showed unmistakably that their intentions were not peaceful; and the priests, who in Michoacan had the greatest influence in secular as well as ecclesiastical affairs, at once began to propitiate the gods with sacrifice and prayer, without seeming to think for a moment of the expediency of even parleying with the invaders. But Ziranziran Camaro was more prudent, and calling his hot-headed ministers before him he pointed out to them the hopelessness and folly of engaging in a war with the Wanacaces. The invaders, he argued, would never have dared to make such a demand unless they had been confident of their power to enforce it; it was better to conciliate them than to risk the consequences of an open rupture; finally he proposed that a noble lady, one of his own relations, should be given as a wife to Iri Ticatame. His advice was taken; the people of Naranjan hastened to carry provisions and clothing to the strangers; the lady was conducted to the wild chief's hut; and the barbarians were appeased.

Of this marriage was born a son named Sicuiracha, who was destined to play an important part in the history of his country. When he was old enough to leave his mother he was entrusted to the care of the priests, to be instructed in all those things which it was necessary for a youth of his country to know. One of his principal duties was to kill game in the forests and bring it to the altars for sacrifice. It happened one day when he was hunting to supply a special feast with offerings, that the quarry escaped to the fields of Quierecuaro, but being mortally wounded it died there, and was found by some women who were gathering maize for the same festival. Now, it seems that to wound game without killing it instantly was thought to forebode evil to the hunter, so that when the news of the discovery was carried to the lord of Naranjan, he at once foresaw the downfall of the Wanacaces, and lost no time before taking council with his priests and nobles upon the subject. It was not long before these things reached the ear of Iri Ticatame, and he appears to have shared in the superstition, for he resolved to change his place of abode without delay. Having announced his intention to his tribe, he departed with his family and the image of Curicaneri to a place named Quereqto, which does not seem to have been far distant; his wife also took her god, Wasoricuare, wrapped up in a rich cloth, to her new home.[818 - 'Chaque tribu, chaque famille, souvent chaque personne avait son dieu ou ses génies particuliers à peu près comme les teraphim de Laban qu'enlevait à l'insu sa fille Rachel.' Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., p. 61.] Soon afterwards he moved again to Zichajucuero, three leagues from the city of Tzintzuntzan, where he erected a temple and altars.

In the meantime Sicuiracha had grown up and had become a brave warrior and skillful hunter; but his father was now old, while his followers had lost their ancient fierceness and energy by long repose. The people of Naranjan had never forgotten the humiliation they had suffered when the Wanacaces first arrived. Now the time seemed ripe for vengeance.

IRI TICATAME AND ORESTA

At that time a very powerful prince named Oresta was reigning at Cumachen. An embassy, laden with costly presents, was sent to him from Naranjan, requesting his assistance to drive the Wanacaces out of the country. Oresta had as much reason as any to fear the interlopers, and he readily entered into the scheme. The united forces then marched rapidly and secretly against the place where Iri Ticatame was dwelling, intending to surprise him before he could call upon his warriors. On the borders of the lake they met his wife, who, comprehending the situation at a glance, attempted to run and warn her husband. But they caught her and reproached her with wishing to betray her own people, and prevent them from taking a just vengeance on their enemies. She was a better wife than patriot, however; and eluding the grasp of those who detained her, she fled to warn Iri Ticatame. She arrived too late; the allied troops reached the town before her, and at once began the assault. The venerable chief of the Wanacaces, attacked and surrounded in his own house, defended himself valiantly for some time, but at last overpowered by numbers, he fell dead upon a heap of slain. His wife came up just at this moment, and in spite of all that could be done to prevent her, the devoted woman cast herself upon the body of the fierce old chief and refused to be removed or comforted. The victors then set fire to the place and retired, carrying with them the idol Curicaneri.

Ignorant of the misfortune which had fallen upon his house, Sicuiracha was hunting in a forest at some distance from the doomed town when the news was brought to him. He at once hastened to the spot, but arrived only to find his mother weeping upon the body of his father, amid the blazing buildings. Filled with rage at the sight, and thirsting for vengeance, he wasted no time in useless mourning, but calling together the few warriors who had escaped the massacre, he started in pursuit of the enemy. His force was so small that this seemed an act of madness; but fortune favors the brave. Elated with their victory, or as the old chronicle has it, prompted by the god they had stolen, the allied troops had given themselves up to drunkenness, and in this state the avengers found them. The idol stood neglected at the foot of an oak; seizing this, the Wanacaces rushed furiously upon their fallen foes. A great number were massacred, and the rest were carried in triumph to Wayameo, where Sicuiracha dwelt. For some time they were kept in the condition of slaves, but eventually they were released upon the understanding that their chiefs should recognize the supremacy of Sicuiracha, who now formally took the title of king. The new monarch rapidly increased his territory by conquering and annexing the numerous petty states that lay around it; he built several temples, notably one to Curicaneri, whom he regarded as the author of his greatness; increased the number of priests, and erected dwellings for them about the temples; enforced religious observances; and established his capital at Wayameo, where, after a long and glorious reign, he died, leaving the kingdom to his two sons, Pawacume and Wapeani.

THE TARASCOS ON LAKE PATZCUARO

Shortly after the accession of these princes, events occurred in the flourishing region lying north of Wayameo, on the southern shore of Lake Patzcuaro, which affected the condition of the entire country, and eventually added greatly to the power of the Wanacace kings. The capital of this region was Tzintzuntzan. The chronicle I have hitherto followed gives no account of the origin of this city; but other authors, who in their turn make no mention of the events above recorded, furnish a story of its foundation, which I will relate here, before continuing the more consecutive narrative.

After the separation of the Tarascos from their Aztec brethren, says Beaumont, the former, resolving to settle, began at once to till the ground and sow the seeds that they had brought with them. They then proceeded to elect a king from among their bravest warriors. So highly was this quality of courage esteemed by them that even the later kings, who succeeded to the throne by inheritance, were not allowed to wear certain jewels and ornaments until they had earned the right to do so by capturing a prisoner in battle with their own hands. Under the administration of such energetic men the people progressed rapidly, both in wealth and power; commerce was encouraged and the arts and sciences flourished. But they especially excelled in feather-work, for which the splendid plumage of the birds of the country furnished abundant material.[819 - Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 48, 63.] This curious art is said to have been suggested by the phenomenon which led to the founding of their capital. When the Tarascos first halted on the southern shore of Lake Patzcuaro, they placed their principal idol in a pleasant spot that the god might repose, when, behold, a multitude of birds of gorgeous plumage congregated in the air and formed a brilliant shade or canopy above the sacred image. This was at once hailed as a divine indication that they should found their city here, and at the same time it suggested the feather mosaics for which they afterwards became so famous. In commemoration of this miraculous manifestation of the divine will the city was named Tzintzuntzan, 'place of celestial birds.'[820 - Beltrami, Mexique, tom. ii., p. 54. The first name given to the town was Guayangareo, says Granados y Galvez, Tardes Amer., p. 184. Padre Larrea translates Tzintzuntzan, 'town of green birds,' and the town was so called, he says, from the form of the idol. Beaumont calls it also Chincila and Huitzitzilaque. Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 43, 46-7.]

Little or nothing is known of the history of Tzintzuntzan from this time until it is again brought into notice by the events to which I have alluded as occurring shortly after Sicuiracha was succeeded by his sons on the throne at Wayameo. Granados, it is true, states that nineteen kings ruled over the Tarascos from the time of their settlement down to the conquest, but he gives no account of any of them, while Beaumont complains that he is able to find records of three only, namely, Characu, 'the boy king,' Zwanga,[821 - Also known as Chiguangua, Chiguacua, and Tzihuanga.] and the son of the latter, Tangaxoan,[822 - Also, Sintzicha Tangajuan, 'he of the fine teeth.'] better known by the name of Caltzontzin, 'he who is always shod,' to distinguish him from those other rulers who, being vassals of the Aztec monarch, appeared bare-footed before their suzerain.[823 - Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 44-5, 68-9, 75. Herrera, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. viii., translates Cazonzin by 'old sandals,' saying that the name was bestowed upon the king as a nick-name because of the shabby dress in which he appeared before Cortés. According to Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 91, Caltzontzin was the name given to Zintzicha by the Spaniards. Beltrami, Mexique, tom. ii., p. 44, writes the name Sinzincha. Torquemada, tom. i., p. 338, calls him Caczoltzin. Granados y Galvez, Tardes Amer., pp. 184-6, writes Caltzontzin or Cinzica. 'Les relations et les histoires relatives au Michoacan donnent toutes au roi des Tarasques le titre ou le nom de Cazontzin. Était-ce un titre? c'est incertain. Torquemada ne sait ce qu'il doit en penser.' Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., p. 78. Cazonzi 'paraît être une corruption tarasque du mot nahuatl Caltzontzin, Chef ou tête de la maison.' Id., tom. iv., p. 363.] At what period the boy king lived it is impossible to tell, but as the other two certainly reigned at a later date than our story has yet reached, they may all be referred to hereafter.

THE GODDESS XARATANGA

Let us now return to the anonymous narrative. At the time of Sicuiracha's death at Wayameo, three brothers named Tarigaran, Pacimwane, and Sucurawe were reigning in the region of which Tzintzuntzan was the capital. On a hill overlooking the lake stood the temple of their chief divinity, the goddess Xaratanga, whose son was named Manowapa. Now, the priests of this goddess obtained the wood which they burned in the temple from the forest of Atamataho, close to Wayameo, and they frequently took advantage of their proximity to the temple of Curicaneri to carry wood there, a courtesy which the Wanacace priests returned by occasionally bearing fuel to the sanctuary of Xaratanga. It happened one day, when the feast of the goddess was approaching, that Tarigaran and his two brothers, with their attendants, went to the temple to assist the priests to decorate the idol. But the princes had been drinking deeply, and the goddess, perceiving this, punished them for their irreverence by making them very drunk. Then the brothers became alarmed, and sent their women to the lake to procure fish, by eating which they hoped to dissipate the fumes of the liquor. But the outraged goddess had hidden the fish, and the women succeeded only in catching a large serpent, which they carried to the priests, who cooked it and ate of it together with the princes, at sunset. But no sooner had the strange food passed their lips than, to their horror, they all found themselves turned into serpents. Filled with terror and dismay they plunged into the lake and swam towards the mountain of Tiriacuri, amid the recesses of which they disappeared upon landing.

The territory of Tzintzuntzan being now bereft of its chief priests and princes offered an easy prey to its Wanacace neighbors, and several chiefs, probably vassals of the kings of Wayameo, soon began to encroach upon its borders. Tarapecha Chanhori took possession of Curincuaro Achurin and established himself there, while Ipinchuari did the same at Pechetaro. The royal brothers of Wayameo also took up arms and possessed themselves first of Capacureo, and then of Patamagua Nacaraho. At the latter place they seem to have separated, each to make conquests on his own behalf.[824 - Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii., pp. 66-7, renders this passage very ambiguously. 'Ce fut en ce lieu (Patamagua Nacaraho) que les dieux, frères de Curicaneri, se séparèrent; chacun des chefs chichimèques, prenant le sien, alla se fixer au lieu que la victoire lui donna. Pour lui, continuant le cours de ses conquêtes, il chassa tour à tour le gibier sur les terres voisines, passant d'une montagne à l'autre, et jetant la terreur dans les populations d'alentour.']

The Tarasco population was now thoroughly alarmed and with one accord the various states began to prepare for war. The kings of Wayameo, however, assured Cuyupuri, who had succeeded to the office of high-priest of Xaratanga at Tzintzuntzan, that he should receive no injury, and at their invitation he removed to the spot where his metamorphosed predecessors had disappeared. Later he removed to Sipico, on the borders of the lake, where he erected a temple and other buildings; after that he went to several other places, but finally established himself on Mount Haracotin, where Wapeani had taken up his abode.

The two brothers now continued their conquests in every direction, and before long they had gained possession of most of the places on the south shore of the lake Patzcuaro, including the fertile region of Tzintzuntzan. Now it came to pass one day, when Wapeani had climbed Mount Atupen, and was gazing longingly at the beautiful islands which dotted its surface, that his attention was attracted to a pyramidal structure which rose in the centre of one of the fairest of them. Perceiving a fisherman casting his nets at some distance, he called him to him. In answer to his inquiries, the fisherman informed the prince that the island upon which the temple stood was called Xaracuero, and was, together with the island of Pacandan, ruled by a king named Curicaten, who bore the title of El Henditare. He told Wapeani, moreover, that there were Chichimecs on these islands, though they did not speak the same language as the Wanacaces. Wapeani was astonished at this, as he had believed that his people were the only Chichimecs in the country. The warriors of his suite then asked the fisherman what his name was, and if he had any daughters. He answered that his name was Curipajan, and that he had no children. They insisted, however, that he had daughters, assuring him at the same time that they intended no harm, but merely wanted to obtain wives from the islands. At length, after repeated denials, he confessed that he had one, who was little and ugly, and quite unworthy of their consideration. It matters not, they answered, say nothing to anybody, but bring her here to-morrow.

THE KING OF THE ISLES

What induced the fisherman to act against his inclinations after he had once got free, the chronicle does not relate, but on the next day he returned at the appointed time with his daughter. Wapeani arrived at the rendezvous somewhat later, and finding the girl to his taste he took her away with him, instructing her father to return home, and if questioned concerning the absence of his daughter, to say that she had been carried off and enslaved by the Wanacaces. Wapeani afterwards gave the woman to his brother, Pawacume, who married her, and got by her a son named Tariacuri, who subsequently became king and was the founder of the kingdom of Michoacan.