The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 07 of 12)

226

Orphica, xl. 18.

227

This title she shared with Persephone at Tegea (Pausanias, viii. 53. 7), and under it she received annual sacrifices at Ephesus (Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,

No. 655). It was applied to her also at Epidaurus (Ἐφημ. Ἀρχ., 1883, col. 153) and at Athens (Aristophanes, Frogs, 382), and appears to have been a common title of the goddess. See L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, iii. 318 note 30.

228

Polemo, cited by Athenaeus, iii. 73, p. 109 a b, x. 9. p. 416 c.

229

E. Dodwell, A Classical and Topographical Tour through Greece (London, 1819), i. 583. E. D. Clarke found the image “on the side of the road, immediately before entering the village, and in the midst of a heap of dung, buried as high as the neck, a little beyond the farther extremity of the pavement of the temple. Yet even this degrading situation had not been assigned to it wholly independent of its antient history. The inhabitants of the small village which is now situated among the ruins of Eleusis still regarded this statue with a very high degree of superstitious veneration. They attributed to its presence the fertility of their land; and it was for this reason that they heaped around it the manure intended for their fields. They believed that the loss of it would be followed by no less a calamity than the failure of their annual harvests; and they pointed to the ears of bearded wheat, upon the sculptured ornaments upon the head of the figure, as a never-failing indication of the produce of the soil.” When the statue was about to be removed, a general murmur ran among the people, the women joining in the clamour. “They had been always,” they said, “famous for their corn; and the fertility of the land would cease when the statue was removed.” See E. D. Clarke, Travels in various Countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa, iii. (London, 1814) pp. 772-774, 787 sq. Compare J. C. Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion (Cambridge, 1910), p. 80, who tells us that “the statue was regularly crowned with flowers in the avowed hope of obtaining good harvests.”

230

Cicero, In C. Verrem, act. ii. lib. iv. 51.

231

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 138 sq.

232

This view was expressed by my friend Professor Ridgeway in a paper which I had the advantage of hearing him read at Cambridge in the early part of 1911. Compare The Athenaeum, No. 4360, May 20th, 1911, p. 576.

233

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,

No. 20; E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner, Introduction to Greek Epigraphy, ii. (Cambridge, 1905) No. 9, pp. 22 sq. See above, pp. 55 (#x_9_i1)sq.

234

Homer, Iliad, xiv. 326.

235

Homer, Odyssey, v. 125 sqq.

236

Diodorus Siculus, iii. 62. 6.

237

Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. 12, p. 12, ed. Potter.

238

Hesiod, Works and Days, 465 sqq.

239

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,

No. 615, lines 25 sq.; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, No. 714; J. de Prott et L. Ziehen, Leges Graecorum Sacrae, No. 4.

240

See L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, iii. (Oxford, 1907), p. 259, “It was long before the mother could be distinguished from the daughter by any organic difference of form or by any expressive trait of countenance. On the more ancient vases and terracottas they appear rather as twin-sisters, almost as if the inarticulate artist were aware of their original identity of substance. And even among the monuments of the transitional period it is difficult to find any representation of the goddesses in characters at once clear and impressive. We miss this even in the beautiful vase of Hieron in the British Museum, where the divine pair are seen with Triptolemos: the style is delicate and stately, and there is a certain impression of inner tranquil life in the group, but without the aid of the inscriptions the mother would not be known from the daughter”; id., vol. iii. 274, “But it would be wrong to give the impression that the numismatic artists of this period were always careful to distinguish – in such a manner as the above works indicate – between mother and daughter. The old idea of their unity of substance still seemed to linger as an art-tradition: the very type we have just been examining appears on a fourth-century coin of Hermione, and must have been used here to designate Demeter Chthonia who was there the only form that the corn-goddess assumed. And even at Metapontum, where coin-engraving was long a great art, a youthful head crowned with corn, which in its own right and on account of its resemblance to the masterpiece of Euainetos could claim the name of Kore [Persephone], is actually inscribed ‘Damater.’ ” Compare J. Overbeck, Griechische Kunstmythologie, iii. (Leipsic, 1873-1878), p. 453. In regard, for example, to the famous Eleusinian bas-relief, one of the most beautiful monuments of ancient religious art, which seems to represent Demeter giving the corn-stalks to Triptolemus, while Persephone crowns his head, there has been much divergence of opinion among the learned as to which of the goddesses is Demeter and which Persephone. See J. Overbeck, op. cit. iii. 427 sqq.; L. R. Farnell, op. cit. iii. 263 sq. On the close resemblance of the artistic types of Demeter and Persephone see further E. Gerhard, Gesammelte akademische Abhandlungen (Berlin, 1866-1868), ii. 357 sqq.; F. Lenormant, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines, i. 2, s. v. “Ceres,” p. 1049.

241

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 97 sqq.

242

Homer, Odyssey, v. 125 sqq.

243

Proclus, on Plato, Timaeus, p. 293 c, quoted by L. F. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, iii. 357, where Lobeck's emendation of ὔε, κύε for υἶε, τοκυῖε (Aglaophamus, p. 782) may be accepted as certain, confirmed as it is by Hippolytus, Refutatio Omnium Haeresium, v. 7, p. 146, ed. Duncker and Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1859), τὸ μέγα καὶ ἄρρητον Ἐλευσινίων μυστήριον ὔε κύε.

244

As to the Eleusinian games see August Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum, pp. 179-204; P. Foucart, Les Grands Mystères d'Éleusis (Paris, 1900), pp. 143-147; P. Stengel, in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, v. coll. 2330 sqq. The quadriennial celebration of the Eleusinian Games is mentioned by Aristotle (Constitution of Athens, 54), and in the great Eleusinian inscription of 329 b. c., which is also our only authority for the biennial celebration of the games. See Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,

No. 587, lines 258 sqq. The regular and official name of the games was simply Eleusinia (τὰ Ἐλευσίνια), a name which late writers applied incorrectly to the Mysteries. See August Mommsen, op. cit. pp. 179 sqq.; Dittenberger, op. cit. No. 587, note 171.

245

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,

No. 246, lines 25 sqq.; id. No. 587, lines 244 sq., 258 sqq.

246

Marmor Parium, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, i. 544 sq.

247

Aristides, Panathen. and Eleusin. vol. i. pp. 168, 417, ed. G. Dindorf.

248