Memoirs of the Court and Cabinets of George the Third
G.
Lord Buckingham arrived in Dublin towards the end of June, to the infinite satisfaction of Lord Cornwallis, who found himself surrounded by the usual perplexities of Irish Government, considerably increased by the excited condition of the country.
The general opinion entertained in England of the change that had recently taken place in the character of the Irish insurrection, may be gathered from a passage in a letter addressed to Lord Buckingham by Mr. Thomas Grenville, on the 5th of July.
As far as I can judge from the public accounts in the newspapers, the rebellion seems rather to have changed its shape than to have abandoned its object, and it may be a question whether much advantage is gained in its becoming a Maroon war of plunderers and banditti, rather than continuing to be a formal array regularly opposed to the regular army in the country; because though it may be true that the danger of a large army of rebels may be a danger of greater magnitude, as well as more immediate, yet it furnishes at least the opportunity of meeting that danger, and of grappling with it; whereas this plundering, robbing, and burning war, carried on by an infinite number of small parties, associated together and hiding together like the thieves in the cave of Gil Blas, puts the peace and the security of the country in greater danger, keeps up a more constant alarm, is more difficult to resist, because it is more difficult to find and to prepare against, and, what is not the least consideration, it utterly ruins and destroys the hopes of these men, after indulging long in such habits, returning again either to labour or even to subordination.
To me, therefore, I own it seems to be more necessary than ever to make the most active exertions in order to counteract this new shape of evil; and I do hope and trust that, however ungracious and mortifying it may be to military habits and military education to be opposed to what may be deemed petty bands of robbers and incendiaries, Lord Cornwallis will feel the necessity of applying his best military talents in a service where no military glory can be obtained, except as it may be applied to the restoration of the security and tranquillity of the country.
The forbearance of Lord Cornwallis is alluded to in a subsequent letter from Lord Grenville. It was felt that his lenity in treating with the rebels was misplaced, and that the Government ought to have adopted a more decided course in extinguishing the dying embers of the insurrection.
I do not know how to trust my own judgment upon the very small lights which (entre nous) Lord C. gives us as to what he is doing in Ireland. But as far as I can judge, he is proceeding very fast indeed, particularly when he allows rebels to stipulate for the point of honour of not naming their confederates, and thereby accepts a fresh act of misprision of treason, as a satisfaction for former acts of treason. But this of course is only to you. The great point I wish to be assured of, if I could, is that he has not suffered a nearer view of difficulties to discourage him from the pursuit of the only measure which can make it signify one farthing what he does in the present moment. Let him carry that, and I will willingly compromise for all the rest.
On the 22nd of August the long-threatened French invasion took place in a shape that covered the expedition with universal ridicule. A handful of men, to the number of eight hundred, landed at Killala, and were joined by the rebels; and when they were attacked by General Lake a few days afterwards, the whole force surrendered at discretion. This incident formed a striking contrast to the progress of the French in other directions, for at the very time when they were suffering this humiliation in Ireland, their victorious arms were completing the subjugation of Switzerland.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, August 27th, 1798.
My dearest Brother,
I am much obliged to you for your letter, which I got last night, with the other accounts of the landing at Killala. I hope we are not too sanguine in thinking that the French are much too late for their object, and that the result of this expedition will give us fresh security. The interval is however unavoidably one of some anxiety, and I confess I regret now Lord Cornwallis's security in declining to receive any further reinforcements, though it is seldom that a General fails on that side. All this can only be with a view to the possibility of a general insurrection; for without that their twelve hundred men are not worth a second thought, and their arms are merely thrown away.
I see in their full force all the difficulties that might arise in the contingency of Lord Cornwallis's death. But I trust that danger is as remote as the death of any man can reasonably be said to be. There would be much inconvenience in its being suspected or known that he had a provisional successor named and resident on the spot, because Irish speculation would extend the contingency thus provided for, from the case of his death to that of his resignation. The subject shall however be considered, and your name shall certainly not be brought forward unless I see that the thing would be wished; the only footing on which it is possible to place so liberal and generous an offer.
God bless you.
No more news of Buonaparte or Nelson. I terribly fear that the latter will do something too desperate.
Austria and Russia are evidently, at last, preparing for war. But we are now in the end of August, and with a very little more hesitation and delay the possibility of acting this year is gone, and then France must use the winter to divide us all by separate negotiations.
In a subsequent letter, Lord Grenville again refers to the policy acted upon by Lord Cornwallis in reference to the rebels.
With respect to the political system I had my doubts, and expressed them to you, at the time that your opinions, formed I am sure every way on much better means of judging than I have, was more favourable to what was doing. But the experience is now, I am sorry to say it, wholly on my side, and I am every hour more and more persuaded that the old rules are best, and that Government has not gained, but lose extremely, by allowing traitors to treat with them in a body, and to stipulate for the right to commit a fresh and distinct act of misprision of treason, for which they are at this time indictable, till this new offence is protected with the old ones by a Bill of pardon.
The situation of the Secretary, who is afraid to act on his opinion in a great parliamentary question, is neither respectable nor useful; but I protest that I am not more a stranger to Buonaparte's government of Egypt than I am to that of Ireland. It cannot continue in this state; but unfortunately, in these times it is not enough to see that a thing is wrong, but one must be sure that in endeavouring to correct it we do not produce some fresh and greater mischief. It is a bad subject, and fait faire du mauvais sang.
My flock is more docile, and my Emperors are going to war like good boys, but they have been a long while bringing themselves to it.
The excellent effect produced by the presence of the English Militia in Ireland, led Lord Grenville to desire the extension of a service which, in many points of view, was admirably calculated to check the insubordinate temper of the people. The English character offered an example of steadiness and discipline which could hardly fail to make some impression on the disordered masses of the population; while the independence of all local interests and sectarian prejudices displayed by those troops might be reasonably hoped to exercise a beneficial influence on the minds of dispassionate people. Lord Cornwallis, however, held a different opinion; but he was so chary in his communications to the Cabinet, that we find Lord Grenville constantly complaining of not receiving any intelligence from the Castle, either as to the views of the Government or the events that were passing in the country. "You will easily imagine," he observes in a letter to Lord Buckingham, "I still feel some anxiety for further information, when I tell you that neither from Lord-Lieutenant nor Secretary have we, by this messenger, one word more than you will see in the 'Gazette' published this day. This system must have its end." The zeal of the English Militia was not likely to be much encouraged by the plan of close councils and sudden resolves thus pursued by Lord Cornwallis, and which, excellent, perhaps, in reference to regular troops, was calculated to produce resentments and discontents amongst voluntary and temporary levies. An unfortunate misunderstanding which occurred at this time between Lord Cornwallis and Lord Buckingham developed the state of feeling existing between the Irish Government and the English Militia, and brought it to a very unexpected crisis.
A detachment of the Bucks had been ordered by the Lord-Lieutenant into the field, and Lord Buckingham, as colonel of the regiment, conceived that he had a right to take the command; but Lord Cornwallis, who looked at these matters with the formality and decision of a martinet, exercised his own discretion in giving the command to another officer. The grounds of Lord Buckingham's exception to the Lord-Lieutenant's dictum on this point were, that the detachment taken from his regiment for this particular service was numerically greater than the remainder of the regiment left behind, and that being also of greater force than a detachment from another regiment with which it was to act, he was entitled to take the command of both. Lord Cornwallis, however, overruled his wishes, as tending to produce inconvenience to the service in the matter of rank, and in other respects. To Lord Buckingham's remonstrance on the subject, Lord Cornwallis transmitted a reply which induced Lord Buckingham to request his Lordship's permission to lay the whole correspondence before the King. It was to be expected under these feelings of irritation that Lord Buckingham should have been desirous of returning to England. But the expression of such a desire was liable to misconstruction. Lord Grenville felt that it was possible it might be interpreted into an appearance of declining service.
Now, my dear brother, as to the question of sending the Bucks back, I really scarce know what to do about it. I have no communications (for none of us have any) which can enable one to form the least guess of Lord Cornwallis's intentions, much less any previous knowledge of his measures. Nothing could be more unexpected to me than to hear that he had ordered back any part of the Militia force, which can alone enable him to accomplish his object, or to protect Ireland during the winter. If any part is to go back, it certainly seems reasonable that those who went first should be first relieved; but I am totally at a loss how to take any steps for this purpose which shall not be liable to interpretations the most repugnant to your feelings and to the spirit with which you set the example of a measure by which alone Ireland was to be preserved to this country.
In a state of unreserved communication, such as ought to prevail between a Lord-Lieutenant and his employers, or with a Secretary to whom one might speak openly, and put such a point on its true bearing, there would be no difficulty; but you know how far we are from such a situation. Nor can I honestly advise the taking any steps towards the removal of any part of the British Militia from Ireland; though if any is to come away contrary to my opinion, I feel and acknowledge the justice of your claim, and should, for every personal reason to yourself, be most anxious to contribute towards relieving you from such a scene. But even then, how to make the application, and urge the claim without putting it into his power to say that there is an appearance of declining service, I know not, and yet I much wish to manage it. I have made an indirect suggestion, in the hope that it may be conveyed to him, of the propriety of considering (if any come away) how the choice should be made; but I cannot answer for it that this will be stated to him, and still less that he will pay any attention to it; and I am restrained by the very forcible consideration I have already mentioned, from taking more direct and active steps.
Lord Castlereagh was now appointed to the Secretaryship in Ireland, and the question of the Union, which had been for some time under the consideration of Government, began to shape itself into a practical form. We have here the first rough outline of the views of Ministers upon that measure.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, Nov. 5th, 1798.
My dearest Brother,
I am extremely obliged to you for your constant and kind letters, which supply the vacancy of all other information. You will perhaps know before you receive this, that after having employed Pitt, and through him, me, and also General Ross, separately, to press Tom to accept the thankless office of his Secretary, Lord Cornwallis has, without one word of communication to him, written to say that, Pelham declining, he desires to have Lord Castlereagh. It is of a piece with all the rest! Pelham has declined, and so the whole thing will go on exactly as it does now. Yet, lamenting this most sincerely on public grounds, I cannot but rejoice that Tom is not to be embarked dans cette maudite galère. For what satisfaction or honour could he receive from it? If he had gone at first, he might have acquired and exercised some influence over his principal, and God knows that could not but have turned to good. But now the pli is taken, the system is set up, and what can alter it I know not. With respect to Lord Castlereagh, I have always heard him spoken of as a man of parts and character; but he cannot have, with Lord Cornwallis, or with the public, the weight which his peculiar situation requires.
You will easily do me justice enough to believe that I am not blind to the difficulties which all this heaps on the object (already sufficiently difficult) which we have in view. I have had no opportunity (and I am vexed at it) to discuss this subject in private with Lord Clare. He was to have come here in his way to Ireland, but he now writes me word that his letters from Ireland are so pressing for his immediate return that he cannot lose a day. I can well enough understand that his absence dissolves the little government that did exist; but I fear, from what Pitt tells me, he has not spoken out to him, nor would probably to me, as to the real state of affairs there. I am assured that he talks not only decisively of the necessity, but also very sanguinely of the success of our measure, provided always that no attempt is made to change, as a part of the Union, the existing laws about the Catholics. And in this last point I am very much disposed to agree with him now, though before the rebellion I should have thought differently. For, the doing this thing as a part of the present measure, would be to hold out an encouragement to rebellion, instead of showing that every endeavour to disunite Great Britain and Ireland only makes them "cling close and closer" to each other.
I send you the sketch of our ideas – beyond that, I am sorry to say we have not yet proceeded, though time presses so much. Many points of detail will obviously arise from the discussion of these general ideas, but who is to discuss them if the Lord-Lieutenant is afraid to communicate with anybody? Forster has been written to twice, to come over here; he holds back, but will I suppose now come, and means will easily be found of having that said to him which may be necessary, whatever it may be.
One great doubt in my mind has been the mode of bringing the thing into regular shape. In the case of two really independent kingdoms, like England and Scotland, an union was as much matter of treaty as an alliance between either of them and Austria and Prussia, but here the kingdoms are inseparably annexed to each other, and the legislatures only are independent. The King cannot, therefore, by commission or full powers, authorize two sets of his subjects to treat with each other concerning the mode in which he shall hereafter govern his two kingdoms.
The manner in which the Irish propositions, as they were called, were brought forward in 1785, was in my mind the most objectionable part of that whole measure, and that which most contributed to its failure. The scheme which has occurred to me in the present instance is that the King should, by Order in Council in each kingdom, refer it to a Committee of Council in each, to consider of the means of an union, referring to them at the same time some general sketch like that which I now enclose to you, or possibly a little more detailed. Towards the conclusion of the business, it might perhaps be necessary that the King should order a part of his Irish Committee of Council to come over to confer with the British Committee on any points of difficulty; and if at last the two Committees can be brought to agree on one plan, that might by the King be submitted to the consideration of Parliament in both kingdoms, and then passed all together, in one Bill, as in the case of the Scotch Union.
You will observe in this plan which I now send, the particular care taken not to alter the present rights of election, nor to give into any theory of uniting small boroughs into sets, and leaving cities as at present, in order to equalize, as it is called, the representation of Ireland. This I consider as the corner-stone of the whole building. If once we touch this, Parliamentary Reform rushes in upon us here and in Ireland; and, as my friend Condorcet said, "from thence to the establishment of a complete republic, the transition will be short indeed."
In better times, if we lived in them, I could certainly arrange this matter more according to my own fancy; and there is nobody who could not make to himself some theory on this subject, the very framing of which is an amusing occupation of the mind, and for which it then acquires a parental fondness. But now, if ever, and here if in any matter, stare super vias antiguas is the only salvation to this country.
The idea of the French tariff I consider as very luminous and happy. It was suggested by Cooke, but possibly he may not like that it should be known, either to his principal or to the public, that he is in the course of offering such suggestions.
You will not complain at least of the shortness of this letter. I sent you no bulletin about transports in Alexandria, because, I am sorry to say, I do not believe one word of the report, but am persuaded that it will turn out to be nothing more than the destroying a gun-boat or two, the account of which we received and published long ago. I am, however, totally without letters from Eden by the last mail, from which I conclude that he has, for expedition's sake, sent a messenger with his letters, who will some time or another arrive. But there are many occasions of sending a messenger besides this news. It does seem likely that Malta will itself drive out the French. What a wonderful change in twelve months!
God bless you.
The affairs of the continent, which had undergone latterly some considerable alterations, appearing to open a favourable opportunity for laying the foundation of a new confederation against France, Mr. Thomas Grenville was charged with a mission to undertake negotiations for that purpose. His destination was Vienna and Berlin, with a roving commission subject to circumstances. The rash and impolitic ambition of France had awakened an angry resistance on the part of Austria, who had recently entered into an alliance with the Court of St. Petersburg; and England, desiring to avail herself of these events, employed Mr. Grenville to ascertain the views of Prussia and Austria with reference to the formation of a general combination against the common enemy. "He will have, if I mistake not," observes Lord Grenville, "very much the glory of signing the overthrow of Jacobin France."
MR. T. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Charles Street, Nov. 16th, 1798.
My dearest Brother,
I had yesterday a long conversation with Lord G., who assured me that his friend here had continued to the present moment to express the same wish with respect to my destination, as he had at first conveyed in the month of June last; but that a strong wish being expressed on your side of the water for the present shape, the great man here had thought it necessary to give way to the great man there. Be this, however, as it may, he continued to state so strongly the conviction of his own mind, and that of his colleagues, to be that I could do a service in foreign mission highly important to do, and with greater probability of success than any other man, he appealed so directly to that sense of duty which I had always announced as governing my conduct against even the course of my own inclinations, that I told him, much as I thought I had reason to complain, I would still be faithful to the sense of duty to which he appealed; and upon his assurances, that his colleagues felt as strongly as himself the importance of my giving way to their wishes, I agreed to do whatever came within the description of real or important service.
The general view of that service I cannot better describe to you in large, than by saying that my local situation must be governed by the circumstances of the time; but wherever I may be, my business will be to arrange a better understanding among the powers of the continent than has hitherto been found in them. It is again upon this subject that I have more than ever to regret our separation, because you will easily see how much of a subject like the present I should anxiously wish to talk confidentially over with you, that it would yet be impossible for me to put upon paper in the shape of a letter; but in this short description you will see at once the importance of the subject, and your readiness in all business will easily suggest to you the numberless difficulties which are likely to attach upon this. To those difficulties I am not blind; but it is because they are felt to be such, that I think it my duty to engage in them, and in that sentiment I am sure to have your concurrence.
With respect to Mr. Fisher, you will easily see that for such a situation I shall want the assistance which I have understood from you he is well qualified and well disposed to give; I dare say, therefore, that you will advise and recommend to me, to make this proposal to him; and yet, till I have again seen Lord Grenville, to know upon what footing of expense this stands, I do not know what I can afford to offer to him, nor how far the situation of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary will, in point of pay, furnish what Mr. Fisher ought to have; I will write again as soon as I am better informed, for I apprehend that there will not be much time to lose.
I think with you, that Tone's business has been awkwardly bothered. I met Lord G. and Mr. P. this morning in the park; and was glad to show them your letter, to give them the information, with your own comments upon this strange jumble so unnecessarily produced. Do not make any proposal to Fisher till you hear again from me. Can he cypher? Does he understand German, &c.? I suppose, by your recommending him, he does. My chief doubt is the insufficiency of pay, and the impossibility of holding out future expectation whatever. My route will probably be Berlin in about a fortnight; but nothing can be more uncertain than my stay.
God bless you, dearest brother.
MR. T. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Charles Street, November 19th, 1798.
My dearest Brother,
I have been anxious, as you will naturally suppose, to lose no time in making such arrangements as may in any shape assist a situation so little to my taste, and so repeatedly refused by me, till it was put in such a shape of duty, as neither my opinions nor yours could allow me to put by. I have therefore pressed for information on the subject of Mr. Fisher, and wish to take the earliest opportunity of stating to you how that matter stands. My mission will be a special mission to Berlin and Vienna, and William is desirous of putting it upon the footing and establishment of Ambassador in Ordinary, though with the rank only of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, and with that of Privy Councillor; for I understood that this last high honour will facilitate the means of increasing the establishment of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to that of Ambassador in Ordinary. If this meets with no difficulty, he hopes likewise, upon inquiry, to find himself justified in allowing me a private secretary, at something less than that of a Secretary of Legation, which is a guinea per day. With this general description, therefore, I immediately acquaint you, and hope you will think its outline tempting enough to Mr. Fisher to engage him to come immediately, although I cannot yet name the specific sum to be allowed to him. I must, however, add that William has urged me in the strongest manner to hold out to Mr. Fisher no expectation of farther remuneration or promotion in consequence of this employment; not only because officially he never admits any such claim of a private secretary, but also because, by the many foreign appointments lost in the present state of Europe, he is overloaded with claims of promotion, so as to leave him no such means whatever. I think it fair to state this as strongly as it was told me; but, as in your former letter you had expressed Mr. Fisher's readiness to come to me without any expectation of farther remuneration, I am still inclined to think that I may depend upon this arrangement as made, and trust to you for obtaining immediate leave of absence for him in Ireland; I say immediate, because I apprehend that my stay in England cannot possibly exceed a fortnight from to-day, though I cannot well be prepared much under that time.