[ I relate this latter account of the death of Themistocles, not only because Thucydides (though preferring the former) does not disdain to cite it, but also because it is evident, from the speech of Nicias, in the Knights of Aristophanes, i. 83, 84, that in the time of Pericles it was popularly believed by the Athenians that Themistocles died by poison; and from motives that rendered allusion to his death a popular claptrap. It is also clear that the death of Themistocles appears to have reconciled him at once to the Athenians. The previous suspicions of his fidelity to Greece do not seem to have been kept alive even by the virulence of party; and it is natural to suppose that it must have been some act of his own, real or imagined, which tended to disprove the plausible accusations against him, and revive the general enthusiasm in his favour. What could that act have been but the last of his life, which, in the lines of Aristophanes referred to above, is cited as the ideal of a glorious death! But if he died by poison, the draught was not bullock’s blood—the deadly nature of which was one of the vulgar fables of the ancients. In some parts of the continent it is, in this day, even used as medicine.
170 (return (#x17_x_17_i36))
[ Plut. in vit. Them.
171 (return (#x17_x_17_i39))
[ Plut. in vit. Them.
172 (return (#x17_x_17_i44))
[ Thucyd., lib. i.
173 (return (#x17_x_17_i45))
[ Diod., lib. xi.
174 (return (#x17_x_17_i45))
[ Plut. in vit. Cim.
175 (return (#x17_x_17_i46))
[ Diod. (lib. xi.) reckons the number of prisoners at twenty thousand! These exaggerations sink glory into burlesque.
176 (return (#x17_x_17_i47))
[ The Cyaneae. Plin. vi., c. 12. Herod. iv., c. 85, etc. etc.
177 (return (#x17_x_17_i50))
[ Thucyd., lib.., 99.
178 (return (#x17_x_17_i51))
[ Plut. in vit. Cim.
179 (return (#x17_x_17_i58))
[ For the siege of Thasos lasted three years; in the second year we find Cimon marching to the relief of the Spartans; in fact, the siege of Thasos was not of sufficient importance to justify Cimon in a very prolonged absence from Athens.
180 (return (#x17_x_17_i61))
[ Plut. in vit. Cim.
181 (return (#x17_x_17_i65))
[ Plut. in vit. Cim.
182 (return (#x17_x_17_i72))
[ Those historians who presume upon the slovenly sentences of Plutarch, that Pericles made “an instrument” of Ephialtes in assaults on the Areopagus, seem strangely to mistake both the character of Pericles, which was dictatorial, not crafty, and the position of Ephialtes, who at that time was the leader of his party, and far more influential than Pericles himself. Plato (ap. Plut. in vit. Peric.) rightly considers Ephialtes the true overthrower of the Areopagus; and although Pericles assisted him (Aristot., l. ii., c. 9), it was against Ephialtes as the chief, not “the instrument,” that the wrath of the aristocracy was directed.
183 (return (#x17_x_17_i73))
[ See Demosth. adv. Aristocr., p. 642. ed. Reisk. Herman ap. Heidelb. Jahrb., 1830, No. 44. Forckhammer de Areopago, etc. against Boeckh. I cannot agree with those who attach so much importance to Aeschylus, in the tragedy of “The Furies,” as an authority in favour of the opinion that the innovations of Ephialtes deprived the Areopagus of jurisdiction in cases of homicide. It is true that the play turns upon the origin of the tribunal—it is true that it celebrates its immemorial right of adjudication of murder, and that Minerva declares this court of judges shall remain for ever. But would this prophecy be risked at the very time when this court was about to be abolished? In the same speech of Minerva, far more direct allusion is made to the police of the court in the fear and reverence due to it; and strong exhortations follow, not to venerate anarchy or tyranny, or banish “all fear from the city,” which apply much more forcibly to the council than to the court of the Areopagus.
184 (return (#x17_x_17_i73))
[ That the Areopagus did, prior to the decree of Ephialtes, possess a power over the finances, appears from a passage in Aristotle (ap. Plut. in vit. Them.), in which it is said that, in the expedition to Salamis, the Areopagus awarded to each man eight drachmae.
185 (return (#x17_x_17_i75))
[ Plutarch attributes his ostracism to the resentment of the Athenians on his return from Ithome; but this is erroneous. He was not ostracised till two years after his return.
186 (return (#x17_x_17_i77))
[ Mikaeas epilabomenoi prophaseos.—Plut. in vit. Cim. 17.
187 (return (#x18_x_18_i5))
[ Neither Aristotle (Polit., lib. v., c. 10), nor Justin, nor Ctesias nor Moderns speak of the assassin as kinsman to Xerxes. In Plutarch (Vit. Them.) he is Artabanus the Chiliarch.
188 (return (#x18_x_18_i5))
[ Ctesias, 30; Diod, 11; Justin, lib. iii., c. 1. According to Aristotle, Artabanus, as captain of the king’s guard, received an order to make away with Darius, neglected the command, and murdered Xerxes from fears for his own safety.
189 (return (#x18_x_18_i15))
[ Thucyd., lib. i., 107. The three towns of Doris were, according to Thucydides, Baeum, Cytenium, and Erineus. The scholiast on Pindar (Pyth. i., 121) speaks of six towns.
190 (return (#x18_x_18_i15))
[ Thucyd., lib. i.
191 (return (#x18_x_18_i15))
[ Thucydides, in mentioning these operations of the Athenians, and the consequent fears of the Spartans, proves to what a length hostilities had gone, though war was not openly declared.
192 (return (#x18_x_18_i19))
[ Diod. Sic.. lib. xi.
193 (return (#x18_x_18_i19))
[ Thucyd., lib, i.
194 (return (#x18_x_18_i24))