Memoirs of Major Alexander Ramkins (1718)

I would not be understood so upon this Subject, as if we lived unhappily as to our Affections; no, we regarded each other as two inseparable Companions, not only whose Interest it was not to be at variance, but we really did affectionately love each other. I cou'd not so much blame her as my self for if Children, Servants, &c. make a loose from their Duty, who are chiefly to be blam'd, but such gentle and restraining Methods did not curb 'em, but let 'em feel they had Reins in their Hands. Thus hamper'd in Wedlock, I had nothing to give me ease but that three parts of Mankind were in the same, if not in a much worse Condition. However, to make our Circumstances tollerable for the future, I perswaded my Consort to abridge her self of some superfluous Charge which we cou'd not well bear any longer. First we disposed of our Coach, and then our Acquaintance was reform'd of Course; by Degrees a multitude of modish Visitors dwindled away into two or three formal Matrons, which at last ended in a Decent Apartment in a Monastery, where she spent her Time agreeably enough when I was in the Camp. Hitherto the main matter which pall'd all my Joys, was the impossibility of a Restoration, which now was much lessen'd by the concurrence of Domestick Evils, and the Cares which attend a married State. Yet when I seriously reflected upon the Conduct of France in regard of King James and the Pretender, I have often observ'd my self to sweat and fret my self into a violent Fever with the very Thoughts of it; but I never was so sensibly touch'd upon this Head as after the Battle of Malplacket. which was follow'd with the Surrender of several Towns, so that there was nothing but the poor Barrier of Landrecy left to save the Capital, and by Consequence, the Kingdom of France. The French King having now play'd away all his Leading Cards, was now put to his Trumps. He attempts the Treacherous and Needy Ministers with long Bags of Louisdo'rs, which were all ineffectual when his Arms cou'd do no more.

'Tis fresh in every true Britains Memory, what strange Methods were taken to bring about the Peace, which quickly after ensued. I shall only mention as much of that Affair as is requisite to make it manifest, That France had no consideration for the Pretender's Interest during that Treaty. The War was begun upon account of the Spanish Monarchy; France was reduc'd to the last extremity, and could hold out no longer, now the Consequence shou'd have been for France to have surrender'd up King Philip's Title; but on the contrary it was secur'd to him, and by what any one can conjecture on the Equivalent, that the Pretender should be banish'd France, and herafter neither directly nor indirectly be assisted by Force: Nay, so eagerly was France bent upon this Project of securing Spain, France, and neglecting the Pretender, that 'tis well known he refus'd to be concern'd with those in England who were willing to restore the Pretender. I shall not pretend to dive into the late Queen's Secrets, and how she was dispos'd that way. 'Tis well known she was not over real for the Hanoverian Succession, and that the Pretender's Interest was the only one in competition with it. But where was the French Zeal for the Pretender, when he had the Generalissimo and his Arms, the Secretary, the Treasurer, &c. all at his Devotion, and if the Pretender was not actually restor'd at that Juncture, the Remora cou'd be no where but on the French Side, who had a longer reach in their Politicks than the Restoration of the Pretender. They saw clearly bringing that about wou'd create a Civil War in England, and be an occasion of renewing in Germany; now their Business was a sudden Peace, and a quiet Possession of Spain. And this is the real Spirit of Politics that govern'd the French at the Peace of Utrecht.

This kind of Management so disconcerted all the Pretenders Party who then govern'd the Queen, that they flew all in Pieces, astonish'd not to find the French insist upon the Pretender's Right, as they had laid the Design. They inform against one another, and by their unseasonable and discontinued Animosities threw the Queen into an Agony of Fear, which afterwards usher'd in the Agony of Death. In the mean Time France smil'd at the disorder, and hugg'd themselves in the noble Project of having lost every Battle in that Bloody War, and yet obtain'd what they fought for, as they had always been Victorious, whilst the poor Pretender was so little consider'd by France, that tho' the Ministry was ready to assert his Title, yet France wav'd it and subscrib'd to his Banishment, least that Affair should ruin the Main Project.

But what I am in the next place going to observe, will make clear that France was not only unwilling to be active in assisting the Pretender, but that they were scrupulous upon the Point, and made it their Business to disswade him from any such Attempt. I remember I was my self in Lorain, when the News of the Queen's Decease was brought the Pretender by a Servant of L.P. He was no Stranger to the Interest he had just before with the Ministry, who still were most of 'em in Power. A Ship lay ready for him to waft him over, but he was arrested in his Journey by the French King's Orders, and threatened by M.T. with the Bastile, if he did not return forthwith to Lorain, otherwise considering the After-acts of the Gentlemen then in Play, he would very probably been at St. James's several Days before King George left his Palace at Hanover. This was so shocking a Treatment from the grand Protector of distress'd Monarchs, that the Queen Mother then at Chalonois said this was a Key to all the mask Politics which had been acting 27 Years, and the very Thought of it threw her into such a Consternation, that she has never since recover'd it. I know 'tis pretended that Lewis XIV was now grown more scrupulous than formerly; he had been in sticking to the Letter of Treaties. I shall not dispute whether passing through the Country without assisting the Pretender, cou'd be wrested by any Logick to be acting in his Favour. But if Lewis XIV, was scrupulous, he ought to have been so when he grew nearer his End; for 'tis pretended by those who are willing to represent him as always a Friend to King James, that in despute of the Articles of Utrecht, he came into the Measures of the Duke of Ormond, Lord Bolinbroke, the Earl of Mar, &c. and had not Death in the mean time taken him off, wou'd have furnish'd 'em with all Things necessary to have made a Head against King George. This, I say, is confidently reported by Lewis XIV's Admirers. But then they will have the inconsistancy to account for, why he shou'd not scruple to raise an Army to succour the Pretender, who a little before scrupled to let him pass'd with a Couple of Servants, through his Country. For my own Part I am enclin'd to believe he never was so much his Friend, but died as he cou'd, a juggler, and that if he sign'd any thing in form of the late Insurrection 'twas in one of his delirious Fits which were not infrequent in his latter Years. If the Regent be a just Interpreter of his Actions.

And to come home to the present Time, has not France still the same regardless Dispositions towards the Pretender? Are they not ready to enter into any Engagement whatever to stand by the Articles of Utrecht to the greatest nicety? I know it has been aprised about, that France was in the Design against King George; but as the Regent reply'd very pertinently to the Earl of Stairs's Memorial. There needs no more convincing Proof that France has not been meddling, than to understand that both in Scotland and England, the Rebels have been destitute both of Arms and Money? The Custom-house Officers of Great-Britain, have no Authority to search French Ships as they go out of their own Ports, and had it not been an easy Matter to have sent what Arms they pleas'd into Scotland? What occasion was their for the Pretender to have sculk'd so long upon the Shoar, and stolen privately out of one of their Havens, if the Regent had encourag'd him.

It was no Secret to me and several others above Twenty Eight Years ago, that France was never sincere in this Affair; but as their Projects came nearer to a Conclusion, they took less care to conceal the Secret. Till they had a Prospect of settling the Spanish Monarchy in the House of Bourbon, they were loud and high in their Demands concerning King James; but the Hopes they conceiv'd that way, made 'em clap up a Peace at Reswick, and lay King James's Interest to Sleep. When the Spanish Project was ripe, and the Wealth of the Indies ready to drop into their Lap, and that they were actually to be put into Possession of it, the Allies were amused with two Partition Treaties, and the Pretender sacrific'd to the same Politicks at the Treaty of Utrecht. Yes he was neglected, despised, banish'd out of France, forc'd out of Lorain, a free State, threaten'd at Avignon, a Sanction never yet violated, and now he and his Adherents are preparing themselves to be thrust into the Jaws of the Turk, unless the Regent out of Pity deliver him up in hope of the 100000l. and finish the Character of succouring distress'd Monarchs, by being the Occasion of losing his Head on Tower-Hill, rather than being Impail'd at Constantinople.

But before I dismiss this Matter, I am to account for several Things, which will argue the Court of St. Germains guilty of the greatest Ingratitude, unless they acknowledge the endless Obligations they lie under to France. Has he not fed a distressed People almost Twenty Years, and that two in a Royal and Princely Manner? Did he not entertain above 15000 Irish Troops who were dismiss'd Ireland by the Treaty of Limerick? Has he not constantly pay'd all the Respect imaginable to the Court of St. Germains? promis'd King James upon his Death-bed, he wou'd never desist? assur'd the Son he wou'd draw his Sword, and it should ne'er be sheath'd till he had fix'd him in his Throne? Has he not made several chargeable Attempts to make good his Promise? Such Panegyricks as these have often Rung in my Ears, when the French were bent upon extolling the Religious Disposition of the Monarch in protecting an unfortunate Prince; and the Expedient was not unserviceable in regard of the generality of the People who easily were blinded with the glaring Object. But let us take this Oeconomy to pieces, and examine every Wheel and Spring; for my part, I can regard this boasted Liberality no otherwise than a very imperfect Restitution. Did not K. James both Ruin himself and Thousands of Families meerly by going into French Measures. I heard the Court of France was oblig'd to feed all the Posterity of that unfortunate misled Multitude, who have been deluded this Twenty Nine Years by their Politicks. 'Tis what I believe what the loosest of their Casuists wou'd not refuse to oblige 'em to upon a fair hearing of the Case. But that the Entertaining the Irish Troops shou'd be mention'd as an Instance of French Charity, is a very Remarkable piece of Assurance. The Swiss and other States are consider'd with large annual Pensions for the Privilege of Listing Men, besides double Pay during the Time of their Service; but the Irish and all the rest of King James's Subjects, poor Fools, must think themselves happy to bear the brunt of every Siege and Engagement, for half Pay, be regarded as Beggars, living upon Charity, be reform'd and abandon'd when they are no further useful. The Honour purchas'd by these distress'd People at Cremina, Luzara, Spireback, Almaza, Friburg, &c. have merrited better Articles, and the Blood they have lost is a large disbursement for the Expences at St. Germains. A few French Compliments paid once a Week at St. Germains, is but a poor recompence for a ruin'd People, especially when the Origin and Motive of their Misfortunes are look'd into. And the Gasconades and Politick, Promises made both to the Father and the Son of never sheathing the Sword with the Sham Attempts in their Favour, will be recorded in Antiquity, not as Arguments of his Christianity, but strong Lines of Policy how a Prince is to make use of all Occurrences to promote the welfare of his own People, nothing, being more successful in such junctures, than a Pretence of Religion, and assisting Persons in distress.

Having brought my Remarks to this Period, I design'd to have drop'd my Pen immediately, but considering that a Judicious Reader will expect I should advance something by way of Principle to justify the Reflexions I have made. I must add a Word or two more concerning the unjust, as well as unpolitick Proceedings of those who have been deluded by a Foreign Power to bring Destruction to their own native Country. And in the first place I must deliver my Thoughts as to the Cause in General. The Question of Hereditary, was not so well clear'd at the Revolution, but that many very discerning and well meaning Men might be drawn into a Belief, that lineal and immediate Right was part of the Divine Law, and so not dispensable. This was my Opinion in the Beginning, and it was a Principle which carried me through the Wars this Twenty Nine Years in Favour of King James, even at those Times, when I was fully convinc'd that France had no real Design to re-establish him. But afterwards when I began to look narrowly into the Question of Hereditary Right, and saw that the Notion of Jure Divino was only an assum'd Principle to buoy up the Faction. I by Degrees slacken'd in my Zeal, and having no other Nation of Government, then by submitting to the Supream National Power, where the Law of God was silent, I found this an effectual Means to quiet my Conscience. However I still persisted and follow'd the Pretender's Cause, the Success of the Roman-Catholick Interest provoking me to it: For I imagin'd that Salvo ought to weigh down in Practise, where other Matters relating to Succession were still under Controversy; but when I took under serious Consideration the Practise of our Ancestors, and how in all Ages both Church and State came frequently into Non-Hereditary Measures, where I run over the String of Disappointments King James had met withal by the Politic Management of France. When I reflected what Misery had befallen, and was like to befall these Kings by adhering to the besoted Notion of Hereditary Right, I put the whole Controversy upon the Issue of Religion, and it plainly appear'd to me, that no Roman Catholick was oblig'd to oppose the Revolutionary Measures in Conscience, much less in Policy. I was fully satisfy'd in the first Part of the Enquiry by that unanswerable Piece lately printed, call'd, A Roman Catholick System of Allegiance. As for the latter Part, let the Tory and Roman Catholick Party sum up their Losses since 1688, and it will convince 'em how foolishly they acted. Thus settled in my Principles in regard of Loyalty, I design'd to pay an intire and unlimited Obedience to the present Constitution; as to my Religion, which I own is not conformable to that by Law Established. I will make a discreet Use of that Indulgence the Government is pleas'd to allow; and if Providence thinks fit to make me Suffer upon that Score, no rational Man will blame my Zeal till he does convince me of my Mistake.

FINIS